The American Charge d’affaires was coming in to the Belarus Foreign Ministry to protest the beating of Belarusan opposition politician Anatoly Galushin.

Belarus Deputy Foreign Minister Alexei Vlasov disliked the new American Charge whom he was about to receive. This American, a career Foreign Service Officer sent out when the American Ambassador was recalled to Washington, was, in Vlasin’s eyes, a Cold Warrior type.  He had already eliminated U.S. Defense Department and National Guard exchanges with the Belarus military, and had avoided the receiving line to greet the Belarusan President at the annual diplomatic corps reception, encouraging the British Charge to join him. More troubling, he had already made two visits to Lithuania, meeting a prominent Belarusan democratic politician in exile, and calling on the Lithuanian Foreign Minister. He reportedly supported closing the American Embassy in Minsk altogether. The Ambassador he replaced was more effective and professional in promoting America’s views while coordinating with Europe; the new Charge was more of a nuisance.

Alexei Vlasov was a child of the Soviet Union, a former Komsomol youth leader and child of the ruling class, the son of a high-ranking military officer. Admitted to the prestigious International Relations Institute in Moscow, Alexei graduated top in his class, and subsequently attended law school at Leningrad State University before joining the diplomatic service. Now, in his late forties, Vlasov was smooth and well spoken, and had lived in the West most of his career. He was the regular contact point for the western Ambassadors in Minsk, with whom he had developed close social connections.

Vlasov was good at his job. He had the local OSCE Director and the European Ambassadors believing in him. The Germans, French, and Italians did not want to believe otherwise, accepting Vlasov’s efforts, and fearing confrontation with Belarus would renew dividing lines in Europe. Give it time, they told the Americans, and things would naturally change. Vlasov was making some progress at the margins, changing the regime gradually. Plus, they had investments to protect in Belarus, in textiles, pharmaceuticals, and trucking. For the Germans, there was also “Ostpolitik.” The SPD was in charge under Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, a friend of the Belarusan President.

The new American Charge, part of the Sate Department’s Russia club, had seen the Alexei Vlasovs before, and knew them well. They were fluent, smooth, and “Westernized”, but survivors above all, careerists first, and reformers second. They usually served as their hard-line government’s “best foot forward” for dealing with the west, usually with little significant influence.

The American Charge was not buying into the idea that Vlasov was moderating the regime. He had learned from his Soviet Union experience to look only at results. Vlasov no doubt admired the West, having lived there, and admired our standard of living and sought part of this world for his children. But, he was a realist who knew the limitations of democratization and the power of the old elites in the region. He would like greater democracy, but In the world where he grew up and lived, power was all important, the institutions of government were to serve the President, and order was as important as reform.

The American Charge spent a lot of time fighting with his western colleagues, the European Ambassadors, who followed the EU’s pragmatic policy of “engagement” over sanctions. Europe would try to work with the Belarus government to create conditions for change, while maintaining its local watchdog, the OSCE’s, tenuous presence, necessary to protect local democrats. Belarus had already threatened to throw the OSCE out, and was cracking down severely on local democrats. Angered over human rights criticism, the Belarus President had confiscated the western Ambassadors’ residences.  The OSCE and EU had their hands full, and told themselves that Belarus’ leaders were capable of changing.

Sitting across from the German, French, Italian, and Greek Ambassadors in Minsk, the American Charge was reminded of JFK’s entry, why he had put us through the ringer to stop the Russians in Berlin and Cuba. Kennedy had the larger picture in mind, and was thinking partially of the Europeans. If the U.S. didn’t stand up, then NATO would be ineffective and Europe would dissolve into neutrality and apathy. The Charge thought about this, listening to the Germans and French say they have to try to work with the Belarus government. “No” the Charge said, finally, we would continue to fight. The meeting was over. European glances at each other said it all. They called him the American “cowboy” behind his back.

It was time to deliver the demarche.

From his fifth floor window, Vlasov watched the black Ambassador’s vehicle with the U.S. flag on the bumper pull into the Ministry drive, and saw the driver get out and go around to open the Charge’s door. The American, he could see, had brought his number two, the troublemaker Hayes. Vlasov’s assistant, Andrei Klimov, would meet them in the lobby, and escort them up. Vlasov would keep them waiting a bit. He would give the American a short meeting only. The European Ambassadors had already received a separate briefing on the Galushin beating from the Foreign Minister, keeping the Americans behind the curve and the Europeans on top.

After an interval, Klimov came through the black cushioned doors into Vlasov’s office to tell him the Americans were here. The room was lit only by a desk lamp and by light coming through the window. Andrei commented that the Americans weren’t smiling and did not engage in any small talk on the way up. “Send them in,” Vlasov said. Vlasov slowly stood up behind his desk, and didn’t come around to greet the Americans as they walked across his large office to two leather chairs in front of his desk. He waved to the chairs and sat down. There was a formal hello, but no offer of tea.

The American Charge got down to business with no pleasantries, stating he was delivering an official message on instructions from the State Department. He expressed the U.S. government’s “strong concern” over the beating of Galushin, a local democrat, who was brutally attacked by unknown assailants near a central square. The American government was, he said, alarmed by the recent climate of violence, which has witnessed beatings of government opponents and human rights advocates. This includes the recent beating of a Social Democratic Party leader at a metro stop by alleged “skin heads,” and the disappearances of two government opponents. The American government requested a full investigation of the Galushin attack with the cooperation of the OSCE, and a full report on results of that investigation. The U.S. recommended international police cooperation, and offered FBI support.

It was a tough demarche, given that the U.S. had no evidence of Belarusan government complicity in the beating. But, the Charge hadn’t gone over the line to allege that outright.

When the American concluded, Vlasov rejected the U.S. demarche as unfounded, and countered that the Belarus police were investigating reports of possible mafia action against Galushin, who was a businessman with business partners in Russia and elsewhere. He noted that the German Ambassador had driven to the crime scene immediately after the attack, and had been briefed in detail by the police there. Belarus, Vlasov said, will keep the diplomatic corps informed, and has scheduled a Foreign Ministry briefing for the Diplomatic Corps, with police participation, to provide what information the investigation uncovers. Displaying some annoyance, Vlasov added the government of Belarus did not appreciate “unfounded” accusations or suggestions of its involvement in some action against one of its citizens. If the Americans have some information on the beating of Galushin, please come forward. Otherwise, the GOB has nothing more to say. Vlasov’s attitude was one of annoyance over the frequent American demarches on human rights.

As the Charge handed over the non-paper of USG points he had made, and stood to leave, he added his own “personal” comment not authorized by Washington but from one who cares for Belarus, that Belarus may think it can divide America from the Europeans, but it would ultimately discover differently. Belarus will find itself isolated someday and that would be sad for such a great people.

Vlasov said he rejected the isolation suggestion, and felt the rest of the diplomatic community would also see this as unfounded. He asked if the U.S. was accusing the Belarus government of taking violence against Galushin. No, the Charge said, our intent was to see that human rights are preserved and citizens are protected, and that an environment is not created which is conducive to violence.

This is a police matter, an angry Vlasov concluded, indicating the meeting was over and stating he would pass on the U.S. message, asking Klimov to show the Americans out. He also said from now on, the Charge could deliver his demarches to Klimov, the Americas Desk director in the Ministry.

The Charge said he would pass this on to Washington, but Washington would expect continued high-level access on serious matters. We would follow a policy of reciprocity in dealing with their Ambassador in Washington. Vlasov made no response. On the way down, Klimov said nothing. Nor did the Americans. There was silence in the elevator and no goodbye handshake at the front entrance. In the car, Hayes asked if the Charge had perhaps gone a bit over the line in mentioning Belarusan isolation. The Charge smiled, admitting it was not approved by Washington. But as a rule of thumb, it was better to be too tough, than too weak. What was important is showing resolve, that the Americans are watching, and we have our own influence on world opinion.

Upon completion of his tour in Minsk a year later, the Charge retired from the Foreign Service. In 2008, Belarus threw out the OSCE Mission and jailed the political opposition leaders and protestors after a flawed election. The U.S. eventually closed its Embassy except for a skeleton staff.