Ethiopia, 1984

Flying in a Boeing 747 between Khartoum and Nairobi, over Ethiopia in the night sky, we had reached for altitude, the pilot coming on the speaker to tell us we were going up to 40,000 to fly over an African thunderstorm, and even at that, we felt the occasional bumps and rocks of thunderheads reaching up to us. I could look out my window and see the slight curvature of the earth on the horizon, the first time in a passenger plane then or since. Below was an inferno, a St. Elmo’s fire of connected streaks of lightning spreading out horizontally in all directions, creating a white grid against the blackness, accompanied by random pinpoint flashes of light, further down below, white dots popping off at different places almost simultaneously. I was thankful we could fly over it.

As the Ethiopia Desk Officer in the State Department, I knew Congressman Mickey Leland of New York was down there somewhere, making one of his food runs in Ethiopia, bringing with him a convoy of relief trucks, food donations from the school children of New York City, raised by saving their milk money to help the starving Ethiopians. Children helping children. I had seen the newsreels of Leland on his previous trip to Ethiopia, in his open car leading the convoy, grasping the hands of admiring Ethiopian children who lined the roads as he approached the feeding camps upcountry, with masses of kids running beside and behind the car, cheering and reaching out to touch hands, shouting “Mic-key Mic-key.” Leland was leaning out, reaching back. It was more than touching.

The U.S., like the rest of the world, had been surprised by the famine. We estimated a million Ethiopians had died already, and another two million were at risk. Fortunately, we and the world had mobilized quickly. With the help of the BBC, the support of the UN, and huge funds raised by rock bands, everyone was working together to bring the famine to the world’s attention, creating an outpouring of support. In Washington, at my desk, I received hundreds of calls from average Americans offering cash and food. I still remember one call, from a man in Utah with a southern drawl, speaking amid static, saying he was calling from the cockpit of a Boeing 707 full of food, and needed to know where to take it. In the background, I could hear the high whine of jet engines. “Just say where,” he was yelling, “which airport, and how I get approval and flight clearance?” It was not that unusual.

At this time, Ethiopian expert Paul Wenke and I had been invited to a town hall meeting at Meridian House to talk about the emergency and solicit donations. Knowing that Ethiopia had been the largest Peace Corps program under Sergeant Shriver, Wenke, at the end, asked a question of the over-crowded five hundred people assembled. “How many here,” he said, “are former Peace Corps Volunteers who served in Ethiopia in the past?” To my surprise, over half the hands went up. One of those stepped forward, saying he could probably talk for most of those with their hands raised, saying he was ready to take immediate leave from his investment firm in order to go back to Ethiopia to help out. Everyone was nodding yes, they were ready. I was not surprised that Ethiopia meant so much to them. Ethiopia always affected people that way. It was a country that stayed with you forever.

The United States had taken a lead in meeting the crisis. We had engaged the United Nations’ World Food Program, diverted our ships carrying food to Egypt and the Indian sub-continent, and organized the international relief organizations, assigning responsibilities to meet the challenge: CARE would do overall administrative coordination, Save the Children, World Vision, and others would set up feeding camps in specific Ethiopian states, in Gonder, Tigray, Welo and Shoa provinces; Bread for the World and others would focus on logistics, digging wells and settting up clinics. Polish helicopters would do the high elevation food drops in the mountainous north; the Scandinavians would attempt to deliver food in war torn Eritrea; and the ICRC, with U.S. pushing, would help with that, flying its flag on convoys crossing battle lines between Eritrean and Ethiopian government forces. We would engage Ethiopian Marxist dictator Mengistu, to make all this possible. The U.S. bureaucracy, usually slow moving, in this case moved quickly, under the leadership of Peter McPherson, the USAID Administrator, and point man on the relief effort, and Julia Taft, the Director of the Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance. I would sit in staff meetings he held each morning with involved U.S.agencies, and watch in awe as McPherson coordinated the effort, overcoming one “we can’t do that” after another. “We can’t divert ships in time.” “Just do it!”

There had been early policy discussions on whether we should even deliver food, with some arguing the tragedy was partially a man-made and recurring one, due to the country’s Marxist agriculture. There would be periodic droughts in the region, and no real ability to meet them, other than a band aid, without Ethiopian reforms. We would be throwing our money away. Plus, it was the Cold War, and we had lots of problems with Ethiopia, which was anti-U.S., hosting 13,000 Cuban troops, and supporting Moscow. Why prop up the Mengistu in his crisis? The State Department argued the humanitarian case, noting the longstanding U.S. policy of not playing poitics with food, no matter how bad the regime.

The matter was to be decided by President Reagan one Saturday afternoon at the White House, with the principals gathered. In order to provide background at the meeting, the State Department representative, Crocker’s Deputy, Princeton Lyman, arranged a showing of the BBC documentary, “Seeds of Despair” in the White House film room. The film, which had just come out, graphically portrayed the terrible situation in Ethiopia at the time, including several shots of starving children. Everyone watching was shocked. When the film was over and the lights were turned on, Reagan said four words before leaving: “Do whatever it takes!”

Little did I know, riding in the Boeing over Ethiopia, that I would never get to meet Congressman Leland. That night, when I was safe up at 40,000 feet, Leland and his staff were in a small plane below attempting to fly in hilly terrain in the terrible storm, taking a chance, determined to deliver food and medical supplies despite the conditions. The pilot, Leland, and four passengers, including State Department officers, died.

At one point in my tour, I found myself in Ethiopia, visiting a relief site in Shoa province in a camp run by Oxfam. There were several large tents with doctors, nurses, and aid workers working, and lines of Ethiopians sitting on the ground inside the tents, where infants were being weighed in scales. Once their weight was recorded, they were given either intervenous solution or formula, usually the latter.   These were the ones with mothers. They seemed to be okay. But, there were a large number of toddlers and infants who looked so thin, almost without any body fat, and who were at risk and being cared for.

I found myself thinking about the more desperate and crowded camps further north, in the hills and mountains, where the Ethiopian children would sit patiently in the fields surrounding feeding centers, wearing their traditional white shamas with coptic crosses hanging from around their necks, terribly hungry, but waiting patiently, sometimes hours, for their ration of food to get to them, never complaining, sometimes lying down with stomach cramps. These were the lucky ones, we were told. Their parents had not survived the difficult, three to five day trek from their small farms and villages in the mountains to feeding camps in Welo and Gonder below. Along the way, as the food ran out, they stayed behind, giving their last crumbs to their children, and pointing them south, towards the camps.

As I was about to leave the camp in Shoa at the end of the day, I noticed a mini-bus with eight nurses sitting inside. We had been introduced to them earlier. The Embassy officer escorting me said the nurses had to be rotated frequently, due to burn out and exhaustion. These were Irish nurses, in transit from camps in the north, at the end of their tours. They were being taken directly to the airport in Addis, to be flown home to Ireland for recuperation and new assignments. Some were leaving early due to the stress, and one, he said, the one who had been short with me that day, had numerous infants die in her arms in the past few days, which explained her behavior.  As we drove out, I looked back and watched the nurses sitting in the bus. They were still, not talking, just sitting there, exhausted, looking straight ahead. I think one was crying. Not one eye looked my way.  I realized they were the first heroes I ever met.

 

 

Opening Vladivostok, October 1991

We arrived by Aeroflot in the evening in Vladivostok, having flown nine hours non-stop from Moscow. This was our first trip to the Russian Far East. We had little idea what to expect and couldn’t see much below in the fading light.

On the last part of the flight, we had flown over the low, rolling mountains of eastern Siberia. These had given way to flat, barren lands surrounding the wide Amur River, a black strip winding along below, reflecting the moonlight which made it visible, Russia on one side, China on the other. Below was the large Russian city of Khabarovsk, where the plane had banked right, turning south towards Vladivostok. We flew towards the North Korean border, then made a sharp u-turn, banking left towards the rugged Pacific coast, then banking left again, coming up from the south on our final heading, following the coastal highway to Vladivostok’s airport. At one point, we passed over an entire city of wooden dachas cut out of the woods, over one hundred summer and weekend cottages given to workers by their unions under the previous communist system that had collapsed two months ago.

As we made our final approach into the airport, we flew over a few abandoned airport hangars from World War II, sitting alone in the countryside, their runways grown over. Someone told me that one of Jimmy Doolittle’s B-25s, never returned to us, could be in one of those buildings. There were a few country houses below. The city was nowhere in sight, still a twenty minute drive north from the airport.

The airport terminal was a modest, but new two-story glass and concrete block structure with a control tower added on top. We taxied up the runway, passing half open cement mounds, where MiG 23 and 25s were partially concealed. Some were standing out in the open, their engine ports covered by tarps. None of the more modern MiG 29s were visible. We had expected to see military fighters, since the civilian airport shared runways with the air base on the far side.

We collected our bags at an outdoors turnstile amid a crowd of pushing Russians, and walked around to the front of the glass-faced terminal to catch a taxi to town. The Russians were wearing coats and fur hats. The first snows would come soon. Women in front of the terminal were crouched around small braziers, selling open-faced “sandwiches” of herring, cucumbers, or sausage. Some had metal containers containing Russian “pelmeni,” small meat or potato dumplings, plus hard-boiled eggs and yogurt drinks called “kasha.” There were also a number of Korean Russians, selling “kimche.” A few Chinese vendors were displaying Chinese-made clothing, nylon athletic bags, jogging suits, and parkas, spread on blankets over the sidewalk.

In the parking lot, arriving passengers from our flight were cramming onto yellow busses going to town, and the parking lot was full of private cars, mainly used Japanese ones, almost all white in color.

There were small, one-person kiosks in the parking area, displaying Western chocolate bars, sodas, coffee, chips, Western music cassettes, and canned meats from China. The free market was taking hold in a small way. Prices were good for us, but out of the reach of normal Russians. In general, the airport crowd looked poor, except for the mafia types, beefy young men who looked like what the Russians called “sportsmen,” boxers, karate instructors, and wrestlers, or else former KGB, police, and special forces officers. All were wearing black leather jackets and lots of jewelry, and were sliding into dark windowed Mercedes Benzes and BMWs. Most of these new “businessmen” were wearing expensive Italian made double-breasted suits. The Russian revolution under Yeltsin was barely two months old, and already there was a visible mafia class that the regular people visibly deferred to.

No one was waiting for us, which was a bit unusual since we had sent the local government our itinerary by telex. So, we tried several cabs parked in the queue, each displaying an illuminated small green light in the front window, a signal that the cab was available. When we went to the first cab in line, the driver just shook his head no, and nodded towards the cab behind him. That driver, who was standing with a group of cabbies on the sidewalk beside the cars, asked where we were going, and, hearing our American accents, said the taxi was not available. He turned back around to his companions.

Finally, a driver from this group stepped out and asked how much we would pay, indicating he would need twice the going rate, and in dollars. We agreed, but in rubles, although my traveling partner, David Ackerman, hated the extortion. The driver put our luggage in the trunk of his taxi, and we piled in. It was a real cab, with the checkerboard logo painted on the side, and driver’s photo and commercial license displayed above the dash, and not a gypsy cab, common in Moscow, belonging to a private citizen using his own vehicle as a taxi to earn some extra money.

Although David and I knew European Russia well, this part of Russia felt different. As we rode towards town, we were silent, taking everything in, and wondering what kind of reception we would receive, and whether our hotel would have a room for us. On the sides of the highway, we observed woods, and the occasional yellow light from a farmhouse, and, to the right, the dark sea would appear intermittently as the highway wound north along the coast, passing a large bronze column with a statue of Neptune on the top and letters saying “Maritime Province.” As we got closer to Vladivostok, we began to see large factory and apartment buildings like those in any large Russian city.

To break the ice, I asked the driver, “Are you a native of the region?” which in Russian came out like, “Russian Far East, your homeland?”

“Yes,” he said in his deep Russian voice, pulling a cigarette from his pack and sticking it between his lips at the corner of his mouth.

Dave was struggling to get his seat belt untangled from behind the seat cushion, and the driver said “not necessary.”

I said to David, who spoke much better Russian than me, “the seat belt is not necessary, David.” We both knew that you desperately needed a seat belt anytime you got into a car with a Russian taxi driver.

By then, we were barreling along the highway at 80 miles per hour in a rattling cab which sounded like it would run off its wheels, the driver fumbling for matches in the glove compartment as he drove. David gave me one of his resigned grins, shaking his head at the absurdness of it all. He finally gave up on the seat belt.

“How are things here,” I asked the driver.

“Nor-mal-na” he said in Russian for “normal,” the usual Russian answer that means okay, or as okay as things can be in life. Normal doesn’t mean good, but no one really expects that. Then he added: “times are tough, things are expensive, pensions nothing, unemployment. But, we’ll survive.”

I took a chance, “is Yeltsin popular?”

He shrugged his shoulders and thought how to answer, “He’s President,” in other words, of course.

“Are you English?” he asked.

“Americans.” There was silence.

Then he asked: “here on business?” It came out as one Anglicized word “biz-ness-myen?”

“No, we’re from the American Embassy, on a visit to see the region.” I didn’t tell him we were laying the groundwork for a new American consulate in the region.

He nodded his head like he appreciated having Americans in town, bygones be bygones. At least, I thought, he wasn’t paranoid about American diplomats, despite Vladivostok still being officially closed to foreigners for the time being. This part of Russia had sat on the sidelines during the recent, August coup in Moscow, which ultimately led to Yeltsin and to the overthrow of communist rule. Vladivostok’s Governor, like many others, had waited to see who came out on top before jumping on the democratic bandwagon. The commander of the Russian Pacific Fleet, based in Vladivostok, had supported the failed communist coup d’etat when Gorbachev was arrested in the Crimea, and, as a result, was being forced out.

As we got closer to the city, we could see the entire bay off to our right. We were encountering a few weathered, wooden houses and dilapidated collective farms. A sign pointed up a wooded side road to a restaurant called “Hunter’s Hut.” Suddenly, we were entering city streets, well lit, with stores on both sides. Large high-rise apartment buildings stood further off to the sides, but they were not well lit.

The stores were the same repeating pattern every few blocks: “vegetables,” “bakery,” “candies and sweets,” “shoes,” “kitchen and home supplies,” and “state food store.” All had large windows on the front, and were painted white, but, the stores were closed and no one was out window shopping or strolling about. The city seemed to be shut down for the night. This was different from Moscow, which was always awake. There were quite a few private cars, the usual “Zhiguili,” “Volga,” and “Moskvitch” ones, on the streets, a symbol of the changes taking place.

At our first stoplight, I noticed an attractive Russian blond-haired woman standing with her sailor boyfriend near the intersection. I made a standard comment, hoping to start some conversation.

“Russian women are pretty,” I said.

“All women are pretty,” the driver answered with Russian wisdom.

Ackerman threw in a witticism, using colloquial Russian, which I didn’t catch. He was fluent in Russian, a natural linguist.

As we got closer to the city center, we could see the port area, and I noticed that Ackerman was observing the Russian fleet at anchor. Before joining the Foreign Service, he had spent six years as a naval officer, and that was still where his heart was.

As we went up an overpass, we saw the new Russian aircraft carrier, “Kiev,” coming into view, sitting in the middle of the harbor near the Seventh Fleet Headquarters. David and I exchanged glances, knowing the Russians did not like American diplomats viewing their newest carrier. Several of our Embassy colleagues had been denied permission to visit cities where the carrier was in port. The driver didn’t say anything, but I saw him glance at the carrier and then at us in the mirror. He must have been wondering if he would get a visit from the KGB after dropping us off, unless things had changed already.

“I’m surprised,” I quietly told Dave, “that they let us come while the Kiev is in town.”

“You sure we got approval?” David said quietly. He knew that I had received a phone call from my contact, Vasily, at the Russian Foreign Ministry, responding to our formal trip request only at the last moment. David had been standing near the phone when I gave him the thumbs up sign, indicating that we got the go ahead. We had to rush to the airport to catch the flight.

“I think so. When I spoke to Vassily, I think he said all was approved.” But, I was thinking about the call, trying to remember, and the awkward silence on the other end of the line when I gratefully said “thank you” and hung up. Maybe, Vasily had actually said our travel was denied, and I had misheard, with my less than perfect Russian, the word “Vaspreshen,” or “forbidden,” from the word “Razreshen,” or “approved.”   Did I get it wrong? I didn’t say anything to David, but I remembered when I rang off, Vassily was trying to explain something in clarification that I didn’t catch.

I think David was beginning to wonder. We both knew I was always doing things like that, getting us into strange situations. He looked over at me and laughed quietly, shaking his head in disbelief. We were a team, designated by the Embassy to be “circuit riders,” assigned to explore the Russian Far East, and expected to be on the road almost all the time, as part of a U.S. effort to get to know the new Russia. Areas formerly closed to American diplomats were being opened. Other teams had “circuits” in Western Russia, the former Soviet Caucasus, and Central Asia. Dave and I had already made a trip to Khabarovsk, on our circuit, and we enjoyed being pioneers, on our own, far away from the Embassy.

When we reached the Vladivostok city center, we passed a large, two-story port complex, which took up an entire city block, the evening gathering place for Vladivostok’s teens. We turned left, going up a steep hill, passing brown and gray masonry and brick buildings on each side, and arriving at our hotel, the “Amursky Zaliv,” perched on top of a hill with a 270-degree view of the bay. The moon was full, and the impression was beautiful. All around was a shimmering dark gray sea surrounded by purple mountains lining the shores. The nearby hills, astride the bay, were spotted with small yellow dots, representing apartments. Not too far out was a scattering of small, forested islands. Beyond the bay, lay the Sea of Japan and Pacific Ocean. I was thinking how nice it was to be in this part of Russia on the Pacific coast, near the sea.

On checking in, we discovered we had no reservations, that the hotel had not received our telex. The clerk consulted with the manager, who called the Governor’s office, getting a duty officer, who did some quick checking and called right back. He instructed the hotel to give us a room for one night only, and to have us report to the Deputy Governor at 9:00 the next morning, since we apparently did not have permission to be in the city.

That night, after getting unpacked, we took a stroll to the port, just three blocks away. We knew they probably wanted us to stay in he hotel, but the duty officer didn’t explicitly say to. So, being experienced Russia hands, we pushed the limits. But, we would stay away from Russian Navy ships to be safe.

On the way down the hill towards the port building, we saw a lot of military jeeps speeding by. Shore Patrol police were visible on every corner, and they gave us a close look. Vladivostok was obviously a military town. There wasn’t much to see in the downtown at night, so we walked along the dock area called the “Golden Horn,” a horn shaped inlet into the heart of the city. Even at night, we could see that the city had the typical Russian, rather than Asian, appearance, and that it was industrial. But, it was draped over numerous hills, giving it a nice feel, like a Russian San Francisco.

On the way back up to our hotel, we ventured a block or two off the normal route, stopping at the Vladivostok Hotel and casino. The scene was bizarre, with expensive cars overflowing the small parking lot, each guarded by a thug wearing a black leather jacket. A large number of heavily made up young women were standing next to pimps, and you had to push your way in past them at the door. There were no hotel restaurants or shops to be seen, just people milling in the lobby in small groups, apparently local mafias discussing matters quietly, dispatching young men to carry out their instructions, or sending girls to clients. Well-dressed couples were coming and going from the casino, but we didn’t hang around. The overall atmosphere was rough. Even getting in the front door of the hotel, we had been stopped by a goon who looked us over before motioning us in.

When we got back to our hotel, we noticed that there were a few prostitutes there as well, sitting alone in the corner of the hotel lobby. We took the elevator down, since the lobby was on the top floor, but for some reason, the hall lights were out, and we had to feel our way along the dark hallway until we got to our rooms. You never knew what to expect on the road.

The next morning I met David in the lobby and he looked tired. He had received several calls during the night from young women, saying: “Mr. Ack-er-man, can I come to your room?”

“You must be famous among the hookers,” I said. David was a straight-laced family man.

“One lady called me ‘Mr. Japanese businessman.’ Do I look Japanese?”

“Maybe Japanese, if the Japanese look like Henry the Eighth.”

“The last call I got,” David snorted through a laugh, “was from a guy, after failing with the women, saying could I come to your room?”

We both enjoyed that.

“Have you had your coffee,” I said. “If so, we’d better head straight out to the Governor’s office. Don’t want to be late for our summons.”

We decided to walk the few blocks to the local “White House,” a twenty-two story, modern, Western style building overlooking the commercial port in the center of town. On the way, we walked by a kindergarten.

“Strastvitya,” for “hello,” I said to a group of preschoolers standing by the fence. They were holding onto the bars, watching people pass. I wondered if they would catch a slight trace of foreign accent.

A young girl shot back immediately, “wie, ot-kuda?” or “you, where are you from,” in Russian. Ackerman loved it.

The downtown area in daylight confirmed the distinctly Russian feel of the city. Most of the buildings had Beaux Arts and Neoclassical masonry facades over brick construction, and were not maintained, exposing splotches of chipped paint and plaster. Older Victorian buildings were interspersed with 1950s red brick ones, a mixture of Czarist and Soviet architecture.

A few of these buildings had Soviet slogans attached to the roof, like “Glory to the Homeland,” surrounded by a red wreath. More communist slogans with hammer and sickle had apparently been removed, except for statues of Lenin and the Red Cavalry on the central square. At the same time, there were a number of new advertisements for Western consumer goods, primarily cars and cigarettes, painted on the sides of buildings. There was a new hamburger stand, “Gamburger,” with a rendition of McDonalds’ golden arches painted on the side. The customers were sailors in uniform and their girlfriends. The streets were brick with tram rails, carrying a mixture of modern, colorful Western European streetcars, and older, Soviet rusty-red ones. The buses were modern and Hungarian, and bent in the middle. All were electrified, requiring a network of cables above the street.

When we got to the “White House,” we were escorted to the office of the Assistant Governor, a middle-aged Russian bureaucrat who spoke British accented English. He was joined in the meeting by two of his associates, both young. The meeting, which I thought would be cordial, was not pleasant. The Russian side was not smiling, always a bad sign. No tea or coffee was offered. The Deputy Governor went straight to the point, taking our presence in Vladivostok as a possible diplomatic incident and breach of Russian security.

“I’m afraid this is a delicate situation,” he said seriously, “since you are, according to our information, here illegally. You have appeared without special permission in a ‘closed city’.” He made it sound like we were spies.

“We understood that we had received permission from your ministry in Moscow before we left,” I responded. “It was by telephone at the last minute. We had to run to the airport to make the plane.”

The Deputy Governor gave no response.

“We submitted our request the required seven days in advance for special exception to visit a closed city,” I added.” My answer came out a bit too solicitous, but I was thrown off balance by the Cold War nature of the meeting. I felt a bit unsure of the game they were playing in this more conservative part of Russia. “We would appreciate it if you could check again. Our contact at the Foreign Ministry was Mr. Ustinov on the United States Desk in the Americas One Department.”

The Deputy Governor said, “I spoke personally with the Ministry last night, and they said you had not been given approval.” There were accusing looks from the Russian side. I could feel myself getting angry. Ackerman gave me a look to be patient. He knew me.

“Mr. Deputy Governor,” I said, adopting a more formal tone, “we are here representing the American Ambassador.” I paused and could see Ackerman wince, knowing what was coming. “I frankly don’t care if we visit your city or not. I am surprised to be treated this way, since the U.S. and Russia are now allies, your government wants greater ties, and we are in the process of exchanging new consulates, yours in Seattle, ours in this region. But, if you don’t want us here, let’s end this meeting now, and we’ll pack and leave today.” I closed my notebook. David didn’t look up from taking notes.

You never know how a Russian will react. Usually calmly, they are not beyond getting angry, usually icy cold. The Deputy Governor was quiet for a few seconds, thinking things over, then said in a polite, matter-of fact tone, that we had misunderstood, that they had nothing against American visitors, only that visits have to be approved according to our bilateral treaty, which is still in effect. The same protections apply to the United Sates, he said. From what we have said, this could be a simple mistake. He would call Moscow at 3:30 to discuss this.

He and the Governor, he added, would like to have more American contacts, noting that he had been to Seattle, and the U.S. was indeed a friend of Russia. I calmed down and added some nice words about Vladivostok, and our having had a consulate here in the past.

While we were talking, a call came through from the Deputy Mayor. The Governor’s deputy spoke to him for a few seconds in Russian.

When they hung up, he said: “that was the Mayor’s Office. They want to take you for a tour around Vladivostok. They will pick you up at your hotel at noon if you agree.” He seemed okay with this. I said we would look forward to it. He would let us know what Moscow said later that afternoon. We were to call him at 3:45.

When we got outside, Ackerman gave me that bemused look, rolling he eyes at my diplomacy. “Do you think they will expel us,” he asked.

“I doubt it. I still think I got permission.”

“What are you going to tell the Charge?” David asked. He was referring to the Embassy’s Acting Ambassador, our boss back in Moscow, who I knew would stand behind us. I shrugged.

“The strange thing,” Ackerman said, “is that the Mayor is coming to take us a driving tour of the city, even though the Governor feels we are not supposed to be here. Looks like power nowadays is everywhere and nowhere.”

When we got back to the hotel, the Mayor and two of his deputies were there to pick us up with their Japanese station wagon. They were dressed surprisingly casual, the Mayor in jeans. He was young, in his thirties, and was a Russian “democrat” who had won the local election on Yeltsin’s coat tails. As we drove around, they told us not to worry about having to leave, raising the matter of the new U.S. consulate we were establishing in Khabarovsk, and suggesting we should consider Vladivostok instead. They pointed to a former Communist Party education building across the street from the Mayor’s office, near a statue of Felix Dzerzhinsky, saying it would make a good consulate.

The Mayor’s party eventually dropped us off at our hotel. David went to arrange a meeting with a local Western businessman doing import-export business in Vladivostok. We would arrange a meeting at our hotel. “If we are going to be flown back tonight, we might as well get in all we can,” David said.

I went to the hotel bar, and ordered a vodka tonic. The bartender was a young man, but had a blue-collar look. He was not the usual “Westernized” Russian, smooth, and fluent in English, which you expected to find in an Intourist hotel bar. He was pleasant and direct, and we started talking about the city, since he wasn’t that busy with customers. We spoke in Russian.

“Are there a lot of foreign businessmen in the hotel?” I asked.

He rocked his hands back and forth like a boat, indicating so-so.

“Businessmen many, results few,” he said.

“Why?”

“Russian businessmen don’t understand the market. Plus, many Western businessmen are not serious, they promise a lot, but don’t come back.”

“What about the Japanese?”

“No, the Japanese are clever. They know how to do business here.” He rubbed together his thumb and index finger, the sign of money, suggesting palms were greased. But, his negative expression made it clear how he felt about the Japanese. He said, “I prefer the Americans come, instead of Chinese and Japanese.”

“Have you been here long at the hotel?”

“No, before I was a fisherman, but most of the fishing jobs have been lost.” He meant since the Soviet Union fell. “There are no more big orders for fish, and no money to pay salaries.” But, “I traveled a lot, even the West, and learned languages, so I was able to find a job.” He paused to look around, to see if anyone was listening. “Sometimes, I translate for foreign businessmen on the side. Most other fishermen have nothing. Some now drive taxis.”

“How do they survive with no work?”

“Difficult. Enterprises pay only partial salaries now, but even this may not continue. One third of the employees receive a paycheck each month, on a rotating basis. So, you get paid every three months, in principle.”

I smiled at “in principle,” at the Russian irony. “The great fear is bankruptcy,“ he said in a more serious tone.

“Most workers,” he continued, “have an apartment that can‘t be taken away, since they are owned by the union. Everyone relies on their neighbors who are getting a paycheck that month. Everyone shares. Everyone in the apartment building helps each other.”

He paused, and helped some other customers, before returning to the subject. “The situation is bad. You see cars going out of town on Saturday morning, many cars. They are loaded with families, and they come back on Sunday night. It is like rush hour. What they are doing is going to the countryside to plant potatoes on weekends. Whole families. Some have dacha, but others just find a piece of land in the forest and put up signs. If there is famine, they will survive. Basements all over town are full of potatoes. Russians are strong, we will survive.”

“Are you confident that things will get better? Do people like the new direction?” I hated to ask Russians these straight political questions, putting them in an uncomfortable position. For obvious reasons, they preferred to ignore politics. But, I had led off with economic questions. Usually you get a non-answer anyway.

“Hard to say,” he answered. “local Communists are fighting the Governor, who is an academic, not from here, and who was appointed by Yeltsin. He is not a man of experience like factory directors. The local parliament is Communist Party mostly. They block reforms, including Yeltsin’s decrees. Everything depends on Moscow, what happens there.” Yeltsin was still battling the legislature, the Duma, in the capital.

“Are there business opportunities here for foreigners?

“Hard to say. There are opportunities yes, timber, fish, minerals. But, also many obstacles.” He looked at me like I knew the problems.   It seemed like all the answers on Russia were “trudna skazats,” or “hard to say.” Indeed, it was hard to say.

A group of four Russians looking to be in their early sixties and wearing business suits came in and took a table across the room. One, I noticed, was wearing the lacquered maroon, flag-shaped lapel pin of a Member of Parliament, the Duma, in Moscow. A player. They were ordering drinks and talking among themselves in the style of the old system, carefully thought out sentences with stress at the end for emphasis. The tone was a bit staccato, pedantic, sounding like lecturing. Toasts followed by more toasts. They looked like old Soviet party men, pudgy with red faces. They were a bit too serious. Their suits were older and gray and blue.

The waiter looked in their direction, and said under his breath, “former Governor,” meaning the former Communist Party First Secretary for the region. I recognized the one he was referring to. He certainly looked like a man used to exercising power, serious, firm voice, a bit athletic, a natural leader going back to the Komsomol student days, with quick, intelligent eyes, and a bit restrained. I had been told that he was our bete noir in Vladivostok, a man of the old elites, not giving up, and a force of opposition who still would not have anything to do with Americans and democracy, which he saw as the enemy.

He had been governor for a long time, making him a local Czar, until thrown out by Yeltsin. I glanced over at him, and he met my eyes just for a second, condescendingly, as if he, too, had been told who I was. His look said, “we will be back in power someday.” The others at the table were whispering to each other, and one looked my way. I recognized one of the men at the table as the hotel manager.

At 4:00, we called the Deputy Governor. He came on the phone and said everything was cleared up, and, it was now “convenient” for us to proceed with our itinerary, and to call him if we needed any help. He did not offer any explanation on whether approval had, or had not, actually been given in Moscow in the first place. I would find out on my own when I got back. There was no apology, but I didn’t make an issue of it, not wanting to damage ties on our first visit. He was our official point of contact with the Governor’s office. We, and American businessmen, would rely on his help in the future.

“What do you think is going on?” Ackerman asked.

”I don’t know,” I said.

Later, David and I met in the lobby with the resident Western businessman we had called. He was young and bright, with a Russian family background. He was also married to a local Russian girl. He brought with him three Alaskan businessmen who happened to be in town.

The Alaskans had lots of questions for the businessman about doing business in the Russian Far East. One wanted to sell foodstuff, it was strictly export for him, no investment hassles. The second was interested in entering a joint venture with a bankrupt Russian factory to produce American car batteries for the Russian market. The third was interested in opening a hotel. Alaskans generally got along well with Russians, who were also a bit rough and appreciated nature more than society.

The businessman gave them the benefit of his experience in Vladivostok, his “buyer beware” lecture, he called it.

“Your Russian partners will look like us, but they are not,” he said, ”don’t be mistaken. They don’t care about niceties or fairplay, it is the dollar they are interested in. They play rough and are cynical about your motives, believing all the propaganda they have been told for seventy years about capitalists and dirty business. As your partner, they put up the local contacts and get the permits and approvals, but they expect you to put up all the money and resources. Sometimes, after they have your resources and products on the shelf, they decide they don’t need you anymore. That’s when some rather heavy-set mafia guys, with an accountant in tow, come in and ask not too politely to see your books. They determine your true profits and announce that they will take half in exchange for protection.” He paused to let this sink in.

One of the Alaskans asked: “what legal protections do we have?”

“Few to none,” he answered, looking at me for verification. “A local attorney can get you legal permits and represent you in the Russian courts, if it gets that far, but their main job is only to handle the paperwork and see that contracts are drawn up properly, to meet the formal requirements.   This makes it a bit tougher to squeeze you out on a technicality, such as the need for Russian sanitary inspections on food imported. But, when it comes down to it, a lot depends on your Russian partner’s influence with the Governor, who decides what deals go through and which are honored. Your embassy, the businessman pointed to us, can help a bit with Moscow ministries, but, they and your lawyer can not always protect you from the local mafias or the tax police if you fall out of favor.”

The Alaskan battery guy looked at me as if I wasn’t meant to hear this, “Does that mean we might be pressured to make payoffs to the mafia or pay bribes? Are we asked to pay bribes? I hear that is how the Japanese do business here.”

“Usually your Russian business partner hires a local security firm who keeps the mafia at bay. The Governor can help somewhat. You are not allowed under U.S. law to pay bribes, as Mr. LeCocq can tell you. But, your Russian partner may resort to this without you knowing it. Bribes are often disguised as special fees.”

“How much privatization is going on,” the Alaskan asked.

“When the communists were thrown out, two months ago, the Party’s assets, in other words everything, including businesses, buildings, equipment, and banks, were sold off– handed over– to ‘private businessmen,’ who often happen to be the same Party-appointed managers who ran the factories before privatization. The workers were given ‘shares’ representing part ownership of the factory, but they were no longer getting paid, and were happy to sell their shares to the factory directors for pennies on the dollar just to put food on the table. There is some small-scale privatization going on– hair salons, business services companies, kiosks– but not much more. The big change is that joint ventures with foreigners are now allowed, provided the Russian side retains 51 percent control.”

“Can we find office and factory space to lease?”

“When it comes to a particular building you may wish to lease, often no one knows who owns it now. A private businessman may think he has the lease, since he bought it from the former owners, say the Ministry of Fisheries, but comes to find out that they didn’t have the right to sell it. It really belonged to another ministry, or was sold by another ministry, or is a former Defense Ministry annex, which cannot be sold after all. You will be told this building’s fate is in the hands of the property courts, which is where it will sit for years in limbo. Yes. Your Russian partner can find office space to rent, but you may have to fight to keep it.“

“Often,” he went on, “you think you have contracts for a certain building or enterprise, all approved by the Governor, the appropriate ministry, the mayor’s office, the local legislature, and the KGB, which runs customs and approves the location of your business. Then, after you have invested thousands of dollars, a new Governor is suddenly appointed and you have to start all over. The new Governor’s friends may be in competition with your Russian partner.“

The savvy Alaskan said, “so, it all depends on how much leverage your Russian partner has, politically.”

The Western businessman nodded. “Politically and financially. It’s complicated by the fact that you never know who is in charge in each sector. Even the governor is powerless in some cases. The situation is really confused and fluid. It’s like shifting plates beneath your feet. Or, to put it another way, you think you know what is going on, but you are really only seeing the shadows of puppets behind the screen, like Indonesian puppets.”

I added that the U.S. would be opening a consulate in the region and would have a commercial attache and a consul general to help American businessman. The consulate, I added, is being pushed by Alaskan Senator Ted Stevens. The Alaskans paid no attention to my interjection, obviously preferring to work free-lance. The fact of a new American consulate had no interest for them.

I whispered to David at one point, “I have a lot to learn about Alaskans.”

David smiled, knowingly. From Tacoma, he had worked for a summer on a fishing vessel in the Alaskan waters, pulling out king crab. He liked the Alaskan independent, frontier mentality and was a bit Alaskan and bear-like, himself. He knew what Alaskans thought of the U.S. government and Washington, D.C., and the lower forty-eight for that matter.

I whispered, “wait till he needs an American visa for his Russian girl friend.”

The businessman confirmed there were four Americans already living in town. One was a lawyer. Another was trying to open an American style supermarket. The third worked for Catholic Relief Services, in town to see if they could offer food assistance to the elderly and needy. And, finally, there was a Catholic priest from the Alaska diocese, ministering at a newly reopened Catholic church in town. There were a number of other American businessmen transiting the region, looking for opportunities, and a couple of young Americans in the nearby town of Nakhodka, doing shipping, consulting for Sea Land Container Corporation out of Seattle. Plus, he heard Alaska Airlines was thinking of running flights from Anchorage to Magadan, Vladivostok, and Khabarovsk. He looked at me to confirm this.

That night, the Alaskans dined at the “Hunter’s Hut,” which we had passed on our way in from the airport. They had specifically asked for it, as all Alaskan visitors do, knowing this was the one restaurant in town which served wild game like deer, boar, and bear. I settled for our hotel’s “kutleti,” breaded meat patties rolled into a large ball, along with some small boiled potatoes, and a tomato and cucumber salad, heavy on the mayonnaise.

Ours was the typical dining hall, expansive, with white table cloths, and water in glass decanters on large round tables. We were seated at the far end of the hall, at a table well separated from the other guests, Cold War style, and, as usual, the waitresses ignored us. About half the tables were occupied. There was a bandstand with instruments set up, but it was still early for the dancing and music. When we were finally served, there was no courtesy involved.

The waitress asked: “what we would have?”

I ordered the cutlets. David was brave and asked for the “Chicken Kiev,” which usually was greasy with the skin on. We called it “rubber ducky.”

“Chicken Kiev none. Perhaps kutleti?” the waitress said, looking around the room as if she was ready to move on.

“How about crab salad and pelmeni,” Dave said.

“Salad there is, but with meat instead of crab, but good. Pelmeni there is.”

“Okay, both” David nodded. She walked off.

“Some things haven’t changed,” I said.

“They don’t like to ‘push’ service on you,” David said, parroting a Leninist mantra. Service smacked of the bourgeoisie. David, having lived with a Russian family as an exchange student, knew the culture.

“A little competition will change that,” I said.

While at dinner, we got another call from the Deputy Governor on the lobby phone saying we were invited to stay in the guesthouse at the state dacha outside of town if we would like.

I put my had over the receiver and mouthed “state dacha.”

David smiled, amused at our sudden new status.

“Yes, We’d love to stay there.” The deputy gave me directions by commuter train. There was a stop at the guesthouse. He rang off.

“They are trying,” I said. ”We didn’t get that in Khabarovsk.”

Vladivostok’s central train station had the usual blaring loud speakers with a harsh female voice calling out train departures and arrivals. The terminal was built in the 1890s in the Tartar style you see in Moscow, bright green, with white-framed archways and multiple turrets. On the train, commuters sat quietly in rows of wooden benches. No one was smiling.

As we rolled out of the station, we passed through a stone quarry, and crossed the city slowly on an elevated rail. On one street below, we could see a police station, with blue and white Toyota police cars out front, and uniformed officers milling around. Further on, we passed an area marked by a sign as “Second River, composed of huge factories lining the hills. Then we were in the outskirts, passing old wooden houses and gardens and an occasional park with children’s play equipment. The atmosphere was lifeless and run down.

The tracks ran along the coastline, passing another area of warehouses, storage sheds, and garages, plus a massive, two story, tan building, with a large enclosed ramp running down to a special siding. It had slit windows at the top, and was surrounded by a high concrete fence. I pointed it out to Dave. From books I had read, this was probably the notorious Vladivostok Transit Camp, part of Stalin’s “Gulag,” a holding site for political dissidents and other prisoners being sent on to labor camps in the north. Many died in the transit building, including the poet Osip Mandelstam.

For much of the trip beyond that, we were hugging the coast, in fact the water seemed precariously close at times. Below the tracks were steep cliffs, but not too high, with rowboats scattered along sandy beaches. Some older tugs were sitting not too far out, but there were no beaches for swimming. There were scrap hulls of abandoned machines on the beaches as well.

When we got off at the state dacha station, we entered a public beach, with tennis courts, outdoor skating rink, picnic tables, and park benches facing the water. Judging from the signs, the city’s school children and Young Pioneers had been brought here during the Soviet era for summer camp. Further on, there were two large private resorts, or large parks, each fenced off from the public. One was the State Dacha compound, having two guest hotels for important Russian and foreign guests and conferences, where we would stay; the other was a Defense Ministry vacation resort for Russian naval officers and their families. Both had private beaches and birch groves.

As soon as we arrived at the station, David and I walked over to the ticket counter to get return tickets in advance. An elderly woman wearing a scarf and quilted gray work jacket was sweeping the platform with a broom made of birch branches. In the waiting room, there were a few elderly people waiting on benches. They looked at us with curiosity. I asked the cashier for two tickets, “kartochka” in Russian, for Vladivostok. She handed them to me without comment, sliding them across.

David was smiling when I handed him his ticket.

“You know, you asked for a small potato,” he said, pointing out I had placed the stress on the wrong syllable, making the difference between the words potato and ticket.

If you don’t behave,” I joked, “I will send you out to one of the small wooden houses nearby to find out if any are for rent.” I had sent him on such a mission in Khabarovsk, only to see David, all 250 pounds of him, racing back up the road, running from a small dog and an old woman trying to swat him with a broom.

The hostesses at the state dacha treated us like small children, taking special care of us, bringing extra tea to our room, plus cookies brought from home. They were the typical Russian mothers, warm and friendly. The rooms were clean and modern, with teak furniture and warm feather cushions for the beds. The next morning, they served us breakfast in a dining room filled with plants and flowers and with huge picture windows looking out on gardens.

That afternoon, we took a walk around the grounds and nearby forests, densely packed with maple and poplar trees. There was a feeling of vastness, walking beneath the light blue cloudless sky, knowing the ocean was just a hundred yards away on the eastern edge of Russia, with the steppes stretching to the west thousands of miles, all the way to the edge of Poland and the Baltic States. There was not a feeling of being in Asia. The impression was of timeless Russia.

The ladies at the dacha said they didn’t care for Moscow, which was far away and too big and corrupt. They didn’t like being close to politics. They also didn’t like the Chinese, but hoped for closer ties to the U.S. Pacific Northwest, especially Seattle and Alaska, which shared their pioneer spirit. A lot of the citizens in Vladivostok, they reminded us, had seen the U.S., as well as Hong Kong, Singapore, Vietnam, China, Japan, and Australia, either with the Far Eastern Shipping Company merchant fleet, the Russian Navy, or fishing vessels. Vladivostok, being a port, they would say, is more open to the outside than Khabarovsk. Khabarovsk was the ever-present rival.

The day we departed, we were chauffered downtown to the central train station by the Deputy Governor, who invited us to dinner with his family on our next visit. We were catching the Trans-Siberian to Khabarovsk, flying from there to Moscow.

The Deputy, who had confronted us on our arrival, we discovered, was actually pro-West, brought in by the new, pro-reform Governor. He had worked for the Commerce Ministry in several Asian countries, which I assumed to mean he probably worked for the KGB. His children were studying English and Japanese in school, and his daughter hoped to go to the University of Washington in Seattle. They had Russian friends there who could take care of her. His wife taught English in the grade school. He, himself, had learned English as a student in Moscow.

On the way to the station, we were driving down fairly well trafficked streets during working hours. Housewives and grandmothers were scurrying about, carrying their stringed shopping bags. But, the city was fast becoming the wild east. The driving scene had touches of a futuristic world, which had reverted to barbarianism. We saw young hoodlums with their blond girlfriends in the back seats, racing each other, practically running cars off the road. One Mazda with the windows busted out was being driven by a skin-head with jail-house tattoos covering his skull. The traffic police ignored them.

When we got out at the station and said goodbye, David called the Deputy Governor by his first name and patronymic, a sign of friendship, and said that he especially liked being in a Navy town, as a former Navy man, himself. However, seeing all the naval ships and their awesome power reminded him that it was a miracle we had survived the Cold War. The Deputy nodded gravely, and gave David a firm handshake and bear hug. We had made a new friend.

My final image of our trip, which I carried back to Moscow, was of our departure from Vladivostok, in the red train car, with our private compartment and its fold down beds, and a linen-covered table between our benches. As we settled in, looking out the window, our tea order was taken by the “dejurnaya,” the lady in charge of this particular car. She was young and very helpful, and wore the standard dark-blue railroad staff uniform.

As we lurched to a start and pulled out of the station, while the “dejurnaya” was out making tea, the elderly “conductress” came by to punch our tickets. Before she left the compartment, she reached over and pulled our window shade down, apparently so American diplomats wouldn’t see the defense factories stretching along the tracks on the way out of town. David and I laughed, and raised the shade back up half way after she left. She walked by again on her way back through the car, and looked at the partially open window shade, stopping, but saying nothing.

A minute later, the young “dejurnaya” returned, bringing our tea and pillows, and, seeing the window shade partially closed, opened it up fully, saying we should enjoy the sunlight on such a beautiful day.

When we got back to Moscow, in the new U.S. Embassy, we went straight to the lunchroom, where we anxiously awaited short ribs prepared by the Embassy’s excellent Philippine cooks. The Acting Ambassador walked by our table with his tray and looked down smiling his ironic smile, noticing our weather-beaten, slept-in clothes and unshaven faces.

He asked in the gravelly voice of a man with no illusions, “How was the trip. How were things in ‘Vlad’?”

“Nor-mal-na” we laughed. An old Russia hand, he understood entirely.

 

  

 

 

 

 

The Leap, 2009

It is the day before Thanksgiving.  I wake up a bit bitter, and lost in retirement, but I suddenly realize that I need to move on, and enjoy new pursuits, new chapters.  Someone better off for the new road.

I start to work on a more relaxed Randall, one who existed before ambition took hold, the person who used to be more like his mother. I had almost forgotten this model, placing memories of her aside after she passed in 1995, due to the pain. Our long-time Roswell neighbor, Jenny, knew this. She said it openly at the time of Mom’s funeral. “Randy Ray is in denial.”

I had almost forgotten this side, focusing on Dad’s needs and the more striving LeCocq side after her passing. I had almost forgotten the calm Hindmans and Riders from Winterset and Newton, with their Midwestern twangs and positive outlooks, and my maternal grandmother, Pearl, whom I was especially close to, the Christian Science Reader who never said anything negative about anyone. Yes, I would attempt to recall the boy of the Great Plains: Roswell, Kansas, and Lubbock.

I would focus on the positive. I would take writing seminars in Missoula, sketching courses at the Holter, or French at Carroll.

So what happened to ease the burden? In Christian Science, they would call it a “healing.” But, I think my mother stepped in. The day before, I had found myself looking at a photo of her and my dad on my bookcase, and had moved it to my desk, closer, without thinking anything of it. But, I was studying mom. I found I could focus on her face, and remember her voice. It was as if a closed part of my brain had reopened.

I was reminded of Tim O’Brien’s The Things They Carried, his novel of Vietnam and the memories the soldiers carried with them which kept them whole. O’Brien’s message was the importance of memory. Memories not only make the living whole, they also bring people back to life, keeping them living. The dead are like unused books, on the bookshelf, never taken down and opened.

In the novel, Tim O’Brien went back and rescued little Linda, his nine-year-old childhood friend who died of a brain tumor. He went back and they were skating on the pond in Minnesota, and he did some spins, and leaped into the dark air, and came down thirty years later a whole Timmy, connected by memories, showing how he got from where he was to where he is at age 43. Little Linda brought Timmy back, the real Tim, pre-Vietnam, who he was, saving him. And he saved her, taking her off the shelf. Memories save.

On this day, I, too, apparently went back, to New Mexico as a kid, and found Mom, and am taking that leap. Or, maybe she found me.

Pebbles at Noon

“Two pebbles, Marcel.” the Chief said to me. “Place them on the black fence surrounding the watch factory near the Number 9 street car stop.”… “Then, get on the streetcar,” he used the Russian term, ‘tramvai,’ “transfer at the inner ring road and return to the Embassy. Just a little shopping on Tverskaya Boulevard.” … “Simple… Drop the pebbles and come home.” He paused for this to register. “Or, don’t drop the pebbles if it doesn’t feel right. Standard signal to our Russian asset. Two pebbles on the fence will tell him where to meet. No pebbles mean no meeting. He must be able to see them without turning his head when he walks past with the crowd.”

This was October, 1991. The street had just been changed from the Soviet name, “Gorky,” to the revived Czarist name, “Tsverskaya.” Major changes had taken place. Yeltsin was in. Gorbachev was out. The Communist Party was out of power for three months now. However, except for a few statues taken down and street names, the changes were not so apparent on the surface. Not yet. I was beginning to think in Russian. “ Not yet,” or “paka nyet,” that was Russian, dropped alone at the end.

We were in Moscow Station, the CIA offices in the Embassy. “John,” the Station Chief, was projecting slides of a local watch factory, with close ups of the black fence next to it, onto a large screen. He was thin but athletic, a marathoner. Short haircut, angular features, light blue eyes. He was bright, natural intelligence in the Kansas farm boy that he was. I had seen it before. Nothing but a bachelor’s degree, but a lighting quick mind that never forgot anything. A soft voice, persuasive and direct, a serious person. He continued, “Henderson will be your back, across the street near the Defense Ministry annex.”

Walt, the Deputy Chief, and my immediate boss, was sitting next to me around the glass conference table. He gave me a look as if to say, “a lot of good that will do.” We had been classmates at Georgetown.

“As we all know,” John continued, “they are watching us very carefully right now. They know they have a leak. They hope we will lead them to our source.” He paused to consider before offering a bit more information, addressing me. “This is important, Marcel.” He didn’t tell me who our Russian source was. “Err on the side of caution… It could mean life or death.”

“For Marcel or the target?” Walt asked dryly, a thin lipped William Buckley smile for me. I enjoyed the joke. No fear here. “Okay,” I said. This would be my first major assignment outside the building. I was more clerical. I could tell that John had reservations about using me, but my cover was still intact. No anonymous black vans parked outside my apartment.

The following day, the day of the operation, I got off the subway at Prospect Mira near the Bolshoi. 11:45 a.m., I strolled up Tverskaya Boulevard, window gazing as I went, in the direction of Pushkin Square. It was cold, minus ten Celsius. A sharp breeze was blowing down the avenue. I had the “go ahead” from the mobile spotters, a Vovlo station wagon with the headlights on. I felt the round pebbles in my overcoat pocket. They were cupped in my gloved hand. I walked over to the fence, waiting for the tram.

The streets were wet. People were bundled, doing errands during lunch hour, mainly women and young couples. Tram lines stretched over the street, and traffic was brisk and noisy, lots of family cars, tires humming on the asphalt. The sky medium blue and cloudless. A few blackbirds were in the air, swirling as a group, then landing together on cornices. White chimney smoke drifted off in the air in thin streams. There was none of the usual Russian chattering, it was too cold. People had their faces down to avoid the wind. So, it’s pebbles at noon, I thought. Anyone can do it. But, what did Walt say, “you can climb Everest, but getting back is the hard part.” Everything appeared normal. “Vso Normalna,” the Russians say. I rested my gloved hand on the fence and left the pebbles before joining the tram queue.

Riding the crowded tram back to the Embassy, all I noticed was a sea of reddish faces wearing astrakhan, felt, rabbit, and mink, but no eye avoidance, nothing unusual, typical Russians. Looking between the crowded bodies and through the steamed windows as the tram took off with a whine, I noticed a Russian man wearing a leather jacket walk over to the fence where I had stood and stand there. He could be the opposition, checking every place I had stopped or touched. It would be typical of KGB thoroughness. Its easy when you have an army of watchers. The last thing I saw out the rear window was a black Volga pull up to the curb near the two men. Maybe it was nothing.

The next weekend, my cat, Natasha, disappeared from my apartment when I was at work. The Embassy said the repair men working on my kitchen may have left the door open. She may have slipped out. No one remembered seeing her. But, I knew better. My sweet Natasha, the girl I picked off the street, the big talker who followed me around and slept on the bed, white shorthair with gray patches, and oval green eyes. I searched the neighborhood in vain. The rule is never to show weakness to the Russians. But, I didn’t care.

I sat at home in the evening, a bit uneasy over being discovered although not wanting to admit it. We have to be tough to survive the hostile, sometimes physically hostile, environment. We are recruited for that more than anything. But, I knew I was cast against type, acting against my own nature. I was tired of the intelligence games and Cold War. It was supposed to be over. I went to the credenza stereo and put on some Vivaldi, horns and oboes. The Baroque age would pick me up. I poured a glass of Burgundy. Natasha’s bowl was still sitting, empty, on the kitchen floor. I walked to the glass door leading to the balcony. The old communist slogans still stood erected on the roof across the street, pigeons were lined up on the drain pipes, gray tin roofs sloped down all around, drab buildings with iron railed balconies, the late afternoon sky was turning lavender and silver, a Whistler scene. Jet contrails high up, military jets. Tight curls.

I could see my face in the glass The somewhat youthful features were soft, the nose a bit too round, the lips and eyes thin, a bit Scotch-Irish perhaps. The eyes looked directly back at me with a touch of resignation, matching the slightly downturned mouth. I was tired, of it all: Russia, the Agency, bureaucracy, the work. But, my mind said, no, go on with your work. Life is not about pleasure and nice places. Hemingway knew that one’s work was what is important, doing it well. I fell back on the Greeks. Let reason rule, not emotion. I opened my briefcase to do some work. Don’t think. Work. Nonetheless, I started drafting a resignation letter. John could tell something was wrong. He didn’t give me any more special assignments.

The next day was Saturday, and I had two tickets to Giselle. Walt joined me.  Sitting at the cafe in the National Hotel after the ballet, we ordered blini and sour cream. During the Brezhnev era, as junior officers, we had sat at this same table after a public lecture at some worker’s institute. Now, twelve years later, the cafe was exactly the same, except now there was a mafia crowd.

Walt was always more dedicated than me. Like most New Yorkers, he had a step up on those of us from the provinces. He was harder working, more focused. He was not preppy, but he was traditional, cardigan sweaters under a grey herringbone sport coat, and practical Rockport shoes. In his forties, of medium stature, brown hair, eyes, and mustache. You might take him for a math teacher or librarian.  He looked and acted older than he was, a bit fussy, sometimes grouchy, some said like an old woman. He was a bachelor and loner, and was rather shy around women, and a bit of an intellectual in his pursuits, spending his evenings at Moscow concerts. I admired Walt for his knowledge of Russia and the humanities as well.  Walt was serious, and you had to be that way with him, but he was more social than he seemed, and, although quiet, he joined our clique of middle-aged Embassy diplomats who got together in the evenings. This seemed to bring him out a bit. It also enhanced cover. There was a camaraderie between us, although we never mentioned our friendship. But, I knew Walt was looking out for my interests.

“Do you think we are accomplishing anything,” he asked over the thin pancakes. It was not an innocent question. He knew I was becoming disillusioned.

“I think we are doing a lot, just by rubbing elbows with the Russians, being here, showing them how Westerners act. How to treat people, how to behave. Helping Russia along the transition to democracy.” I was talking about our cover jobs as diplomats. I didn’t say anything about our real work, intelligence.

Walt could see from my answer that I felt continued Cold War games would do more harm than good overall. He knew I was liberal for the Agency. Some of my own colleagues, the hard liners, didn’t trust me.

“Of course, we also do important covert work, getting information others can’t,” Walt said. “We are doing it for ourselves, and for them,” he added, looking out at the street.

I looked out the window at the pedestrians on the sidewalk below. They were wearing colored clothing, Chinese and American made parkas, rather than the old gray woolen Soviet era overcoats. They seemed to have a livelier walk and more animated expressions, less like the former automatons.  Maybe “glassnost,” if not “perestroika,” had worked, I thought to myself.  More “openness,” at least, if not “restructuring.” But, they didn’t seem to appreciate democracy yet. They thought in terms of better consumer goods.

“There should be statues of Gorbachev everywhere, but they hate him,” I said.

“Give them time. You remember what Mike Floyd said, change would be gradual, and percolate from the bottom up, not be forced from the top down.” Mike was the Deputy Ambassador. We all respected him. Walt was looking out the window at the Tartar looking Metropole Hotel across the street. “In the meantime, we have to be vigilant.”

A few weeks later, we heard a rumor in the Embassy that a Russian accountant, working in the Defense Ministry, had been secretly tried for treason and shot in the Lubyanka cells. I was never told whether he was our source. The Brits got the information and the foreign press were on it. Maybe the intelligence games were not just games after all. The Russian accountant wouldn’t think so. Natasha wouldn’t think so.  Her bowl was still on the kitchen floor.   That night, I tore up the letter of resignation. The next time I saw John in the hall, I asked if he needed more help on the street.

The Galushin Case

The American Charge d’affaires was coming in to the Belarus Foreign Ministry to protest the beating of Belarusan opposition politician Anatoly Galushin.

Belarus Deputy Foreign Minister Alexei Vlasov disliked the new American Charge whom he was about to receive. This American, a career Foreign Service Officer sent out when the American Ambassador was recalled to Washington, was, in Vlasin’s eyes, a Cold Warrior type.  He had already eliminated U.S. Defense Department and National Guard exchanges with the Belarus military, and had avoided the receiving line to greet the Belarusan President at the annual diplomatic corps reception, encouraging the British Charge to join him. More troubling, he had already made two visits to Lithuania, meeting a prominent Belarusan democratic politician in exile, and calling on the Lithuanian Foreign Minister. He reportedly supported closing the American Embassy in Minsk altogether. The Ambassador he replaced was more effective and professional in promoting America’s views while coordinating with Europe; the new Charge was more of a nuisance.

Alexei Vlasov was a child of the Soviet Union, a former Komsomol youth leader and child of the ruling class, the son of a high-ranking military officer. Admitted to the prestigious International Relations Institute in Moscow, Alexei graduated top in his class, and subsequently attended law school at Leningrad State University before joining the diplomatic service. Now, in his late forties, Vlasov was smooth and well spoken, and had lived in the West most of his career. He was the regular contact point for the western Ambassadors in Minsk, with whom he had developed close social connections.

Vlasov was good at his job. He had the local OSCE Director and the European Ambassadors believing in him. The Germans, French, and Italians did not want to believe otherwise, accepting Vlasov’s efforts, and fearing confrontation with Belarus would renew dividing lines in Europe. Give it time, they told the Americans, and things would naturally change. Vlasov was making some progress at the margins, changing the regime gradually. Plus, they had investments to protect in Belarus, in textiles, pharmaceuticals, and trucking. For the Germans, there was also “Ostpolitik.” The SPD was in charge under Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, a friend of the Belarusan President.

The new American Charge, part of the Sate Department’s Russia club, had seen the Alexei Vlasovs before, and knew them well. They were fluent, smooth, and “Westernized”, but survivors above all, careerists first, and reformers second. They usually served as their hard-line government’s “best foot forward” for dealing with the west, usually with little significant influence.

The American Charge was not buying into the idea that Vlasov was moderating the regime. He had learned from his Soviet Union experience to look only at results. Vlasov no doubt admired the West, having lived there, and admired our standard of living and sought part of this world for his children. But, he was a realist who knew the limitations of democratization and the power of the old elites in the region. He would like greater democracy, but In the world where he grew up and lived, power was all important, the institutions of government were to serve the President, and order was as important as reform.

The American Charge spent a lot of time fighting with his western colleagues, the European Ambassadors, who followed the EU’s pragmatic policy of “engagement” over sanctions. Europe would try to work with the Belarus government to create conditions for change, while maintaining its local watchdog, the OSCE’s, tenuous presence, necessary to protect local democrats. Belarus had already threatened to throw the OSCE out, and was cracking down severely on local democrats. Angered over human rights criticism, the Belarus President had confiscated the western Ambassadors’ residences.  The OSCE and EU had their hands full, and told themselves that Belarus’ leaders were capable of changing.

Sitting across from the German, French, Italian, and Greek Ambassadors in Minsk, the American Charge was reminded of JFK’s entry, why he had put us through the ringer to stop the Russians in Berlin and Cuba. Kennedy had the larger picture in mind, and was thinking partially of the Europeans. If the U.S. didn’t stand up, then NATO would be ineffective and Europe would dissolve into neutrality and apathy. The Charge thought about this, listening to the Germans and French say they have to try to work with the Belarus government. “No” the Charge said, finally, we would continue to fight. The meeting was over. European glances at each other said it all. They called him the American “cowboy” behind his back.

It was time to deliver the demarche.

From his fifth floor window, Vlasov watched the black Ambassador’s vehicle with the U.S. flag on the bumper pull into the Ministry drive, and saw the driver get out and go around to open the Charge’s door. The American, he could see, had brought his number two, the troublemaker Hayes. Vlasov’s assistant, Andrei Klimov, would meet them in the lobby, and escort them up. Vlasov would keep them waiting a bit. He would give the American a short meeting only. The European Ambassadors had already received a separate briefing on the Galushin beating from the Foreign Minister, keeping the Americans behind the curve and the Europeans on top.

After an interval, Klimov came through the black cushioned doors into Vlasov’s office to tell him the Americans were here. The room was lit only by a desk lamp and by light coming through the window. Andrei commented that the Americans weren’t smiling and did not engage in any small talk on the way up. “Send them in,” Vlasov said. Vlasov slowly stood up behind his desk, and didn’t come around to greet the Americans as they walked across his large office to two leather chairs in front of his desk. He waved to the chairs and sat down. There was a formal hello, but no offer of tea.

The American Charge got down to business with no pleasantries, stating he was delivering an official message on instructions from the State Department. He expressed the U.S. government’s “strong concern” over the beating of Galushin, a local democrat, who was brutally attacked by unknown assailants near a central square. The American government was, he said, alarmed by the recent climate of violence, which has witnessed beatings of government opponents and human rights advocates. This includes the recent beating of a Social Democratic Party leader at a metro stop by alleged “skin heads,” and the disappearances of two government opponents. The American government requested a full investigation of the Galushin attack with the cooperation of the OSCE, and a full report on results of that investigation. The U.S. recommended international police cooperation, and offered FBI support.

It was a tough demarche, given that the U.S. had no evidence of Belarusan government complicity in the beating. But, the Charge hadn’t gone over the line to allege that outright.

When the American concluded, Vlasov rejected the U.S. demarche as unfounded, and countered that the Belarus police were investigating reports of possible mafia action against Galushin, who was a businessman with business partners in Russia and elsewhere. He noted that the German Ambassador had driven to the crime scene immediately after the attack, and had been briefed in detail by the police there. Belarus, Vlasov said, will keep the diplomatic corps informed, and has scheduled a Foreign Ministry briefing for the Diplomatic Corps, with police participation, to provide what information the investigation uncovers. Displaying some annoyance, Vlasov added the government of Belarus did not appreciate “unfounded” accusations or suggestions of its involvement in some action against one of its citizens. If the Americans have some information on the beating of Galushin, please come forward. Otherwise, the GOB has nothing more to say. Vlasov’s attitude was one of annoyance over the frequent American demarches on human rights.

As the Charge handed over the non-paper of USG points he had made, and stood to leave, he added his own “personal” comment not authorized by Washington but from one who cares for Belarus, that Belarus may think it can divide America from the Europeans, but it would ultimately discover differently. Belarus will find itself isolated someday and that would be sad for such a great people.

Vlasov said he rejected the isolation suggestion, and felt the rest of the diplomatic community would also see this as unfounded. He asked if the U.S. was accusing the Belarus government of taking violence against Galushin. No, the Charge said, our intent was to see that human rights are preserved and citizens are protected, and that an environment is not created which is conducive to violence.

This is a police matter, an angry Vlasov concluded, indicating the meeting was over and stating he would pass on the U.S. message, asking Klimov to show the Americans out. He also said from now on, the Charge could deliver his demarches to Klimov, the Americas Desk director in the Ministry.

The Charge said he would pass this on to Washington, but Washington would expect continued high-level access on serious matters. We would follow a policy of reciprocity in dealing with their Ambassador in Washington. Vlasov made no response. On the way down, Klimov said nothing. Nor did the Americans. There was silence in the elevator and no goodbye handshake at the front entrance. In the car, Hayes asked if the Charge had perhaps gone a bit over the line in mentioning Belarusan isolation. The Charge smiled, admitting it was not approved by Washington. But as a rule of thumb, it was better to be too tough, than too weak. What was important is showing resolve, that the Americans are watching, and we have our own influence on world opinion.

Upon completion of his tour in Minsk a year later, the Charge retired from the Foreign Service. In 2008, Belarus threw out the OSCE Mission and jailed the political opposition leaders and protestors after a flawed election. The U.S. eventually closed its Embassy except for a skeleton staff.

Monrovia, Libera, 1985

The ride:

I remember the ride with the Ambassador to the Justice Ministry, passing through the crowded streets of downtown Monrovia: the scores of street boys begging to watch people’s cars; the mangrove swamps, and downtown bridges leading to Bushrod Island, the poorest section of town, where people were crowded together in tin huts; the colonial era wooden office buildings where I would often meet with political leaders and artists; the Liberian soldiers in American green fatigue uniforms and helmets milling around the Presidential palace, market, and barracks areas; the Lebanese grocery stores sitting next to small indigenous cafes serving jallouf rice on wooden tables with checkered tablecloths, next to hotels also run mainly by Lebanese.

Riding along, I was thinking of my upcoming trip upcountry, and the pleasure of travel: the beautiful Atlantic coast outside of town, its sand beaches and the restaurant with terrace tables looking out to the sea, the sour taste of lemon on wonderful lightly breaded sole with butter oil.  I looked forward to riding in the Chevy Surburban along country roads with branch overhangs and dense vegetation all around, having rice in the village with the chiefs in the central palaver hut, with the native villagers and children looking in, and everyone sharing the same big rice spoon, enjoying the wonderful, spicy puri-puri hot chicken rice and collard greens.

Down the coast in Greenville, there were rubber plantations, and rides on logging trucks into the forest. In Cape Mount County, near the Sierra Leone border, I once swam in the ocean with two colleagues, suddenly realizing we were surrounded by dolphins riding the waves towards shore with us, the only time I ever swam with dolphins. The children of the city sat on the stone wall near the ocean, looking out to us in the sea and laughing at our pleasure, while drinking from coconuts. I thought, man, did I miss out. What an idyllic life for those villagers, remote from modern civilization. Unfortunately, the Liberian civil war caught up with them later.

The demarche:

We finally arrived at the Ministry of Justice building in downtown Monrovia. It was steamy hot inside. The Liberian Justice Minister, Wilbur Taylor, had worked himself into a tirade, as he was known to do, and this time his audience was the American Ambassador, Ed Townsend. Taylor was a lawyer, he was bright, and, like many Liberians, was a natural orator. He was on the way up, an adopted son of a wealthy Americo-Liberian family in the exclusive suburb of Paynesville. His mother was a native girl who was a servant of the wealthy Taylor family, and Wilbur was born from the union of the patriarch and the native servant who had become his “country wife.” This was not an unusual custom. Wilbur, like many such illegitimate kids, was adopted by the wealthy father and raised as his son with all the benefits of his legitimate children, including college. The mixed offspring of these unions were called “Congoes.”

The overthrow of the government in 1980 spelled the end of Americo-Liberian rule which had been in existence since the founding of the nation. Most of the Americo-Liberians, like Taylor’s father, were either driven into exile to the U.S. or into self-imposed internal exile in Paynesville, co-opted for service in the new native government, or executed. The anger of the native majority, who had been relegated to humiliating second class status over 150 years under the Americo-Liberians had come to the surface as Master Sergeant Samuel Doe and a group of native sergeants and lieutenants conducted a coup d’etat, shooting the President in his office and executing his fellow Americo-Liberian government ministers on the beach, where they were tied to telephone poles and shot by firing squad.

The United States tended to overlook this atrocity, seeing the need to maintain good relations with the new, if unappetizing government, for sake of Liberian strategic assets and support in the Cold War. We also felt we had no choice. Sergeant, later General, Doe became one of “our” dictators, brutal to his own people and totally corrupt, but a strong ally of the U.S..  Our Ambassador at the time of the coup was sickened by the executions, but felt Doe was educable. He was wrong. That did not mean, however, that we would give up on trying to support human rights in Liberia. Over time, as Doe expanded his brutality, our relations became increasingly strained.

“Congoes” like Wilbur Taylor straddled both sides, and usually, like Wilbur, chose the mother’s native side after the 1980 coup, switching allegiance out of ambition or fear. Perhaps Wilbur also harbored some hidden resentment over the treatment of his mother, and perhaps he felt it was not just that a five percent minority population ruled over the other 95 percent with total arrogance and indifference. At any rate, Wilbur was one of the brighter “Congos,” and many like him were allowed to serve Sam Doe, who needed what educated talent he could find to manage things. The Congos were always a bit suspect in the eyes of the true natives, however.

Taylor turned on his adopted father, as had many Congos, and became vociferous in persecuting Americos from his Justice Ministry position. It was an old story of hidden grievances and slights. Most likely, Taylor, who in 1980 had little resources to flee, was flattered when approached by Doe’s group, and had to go along with the new situation, rationalizing to himself that he had no real choice and had been wronged. Mainly he was ambitious and vain, and, perhaps a bit corrupt as well, wearing riding britches and German styled, dark green brushed wool hunter’s jackets with gray felt lapels. He was known to travel often to Germany, which had mining interests in Liberia. His native mother had been of the Kru tribe, closely linked to the ruling Krahn tribe of the new President. Doe probably felt he could trust a fellow tribesman to crack down on the other ethnic groups he was persecuting while promoting his Krahn-Kru rule. There hadn’t been many educated Krahn and Kru to draw from, since these tribes had been at the bottom of the pecking order under the Americos.

Despite Taylor’s henchman role for the corrupt Doe regime, we still had a feeling that he was trying to moderate some Doe’s excesses, carefully explaining to President Doe why Liberia could not totally circumvent international norms. This was risky, and he did not push it too hard, but he was seen as someone who could perhaps be a moderate force in the future.

But, on this day, Taylor seemed to have to show his loyalty to Doe, who was tiring of American human rights lectures and may have been whispering that Taylor was too effete and afraid of the West.

The American Ambassador, Ed Townsend, was, on this day, in the middle of a human rights demarche, or protest, on instructions from Washington, going through his talking points, noting “the USG’s serious concern over the downward trend of events in Liberia, including the intimidation of opposition political figures, the reported beatings of independent journalists, and arrest of candidates forming new political…”.

At this point, Taylor interrupted the Ambassador and exploded into a tirade, a five to ten minutes lecture. His face turning red, and pacing back and forth behind his desk while slapping a riding crop against his twill riding britches, he was Wilbur Taylor at his well-known theatrical and arrogant best, practically yelling that “the U.S. was hypocritical, persecuting its own blacks while preaching to others, turning a blind eye to abuses of the previous Americo-Liberian regime because it suited U.S. realpolitik interests to bolster a cruel minority, and trafficking false lies about so called Doe transgressions of law.” Taylor provided a loud point-by-point legal rebuttal to particular U.S. accusations.

Ambassador Townsend, a large African-American career diplomat, was one of the most highly respected professionals in the U.S. State Department. He was a career minister with numerous postings, and was inscrutable, quiet and diplomatic. He remained stoic throughout the Taylor tirade, sitting passively on the office couch, listening but reviewing his notes and not paying much attention to the outburst.

When Taylor finally finished, he jutted out his lower chin and looked us squarely in the eye with a belligerence and confrontational look, as if to say, “So, what do you have to say to that. Not much, huh? You can crawl back to your Embassy.”

Townsend, realizing Wilbur was through, simply picked up in mid-sentence as if the tirade had never happened, continuing to read from where he had left off,“…the arrest of candidates forming new political parties, such as the Liberian Action Party of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.” He slowly, and with no emotion or response to Wilbur, finished his talking points.

Taylor was dumbfounded. He looked at me, Ambassador Townsend’s note taker, for some show of support or expression of surprise myself. Hadn’t the Ambassador heard him? I gave Wilbur no encouragement.

Finally, Taylor let out a sigh of exasperation and reverted to being the friendly Taylor, the one who really liked the United States. He ended the meeting on a friendly note, saying the U.S. was Liberia’s closest friend, and that we have a right to complain once in a while, like brothers. Taylor and Townsend shook hands, but there were no smiles as we left.  Townsend, without saying anything, had, through his demeanor, illustrated the dignity and position of the United States.  Our problems, however, were just beginning.

Checking Out

It was Saturday morning.

Leavitt, the American Chargé d’affaires, was in his office on the second floor of a villa converted into the American Embassy in downtown Minsk.  The building had originally been the residence of the top Soviet general in Byelorussia, or White Russia, after the World War II.  Now, the office windows were sealed and taped, and the Chargé could barely see out to the Russian Embassy next door. The town was silent, typical for a Spring weekend.

No one else was in the Embassy except for the Marine guard at “post one,” sitting in his glass booth at the entrance. Leavitt was composing a cable to the Department, which he would send out on Monday.  It would review the latest developments on the proposed Russia-Belarus Union.  This was not the type of cable you ground out in a few minutes; it required some thought and reflection, the type of thing you did on weekends, when the phones were not ringing and there were no appointments on the calendar. It was a typical weekend in the life of a Foreign Service Officer. He had a diplomatic reception to look forward to that evening.

The Embassy was quiet.  Leavitt walked down the stairs out the back door, through the courtyard and around to the family liaison office in the basement of the Embassy.  He pulled a bottled Coke from the refrigerator, a reward for spending his Saturday working.  Noticing some catalogs, Lands End, L.L. Bean, and the other lifelines for FSOs abroad, he was tempted to sit down and look through one, but knew he was just stalling since he really didn’t feel like working on such a beautiful day.  He walked back upstairs, through the courtyard, and up to this office, aware that he was being watched by the cameras.

Since the Nairobi and Dar-es-Salaam embassy bombings, Leavitt had been devoting a lot more time to security issues, even taking daily walks around the block just to observe, relying on his seven years experience living in the region and trusting his instincts to notice anything unusual, paying particular attention to individuals in passing cars. He had also asked the Belarus government for extra support, and when they hesitated, he called on the Russian Embassy next door, showing their Ambassador photos of damage done to buildings next to the American Embassy in Nairobi. He knew the Belarusans would not say no to the Russians on this.

It had been a long tour, and one Leavitt had disliked from his first day in country.  The bilateral relationship was adversarial. He had been rushed out to Minsk to take over after the Ambassador had been recalled to Washington.  Belarus, tiring of human rights criticism, had forced European and American ambassadors to vacate their residences.  The U.S. and Europe had responded by withdrawing their ambassadors and placing sanctions on Belarus.  Unfortunately, Europe had sent its ambassadors back.

This downturn in relations had been accompanied by an even sharper deterioration in the Belarus’ human rights environment. There were a number of disappearances of opposition political leaders and attacks on others. Clips were appearing on the government-controlled television station, saying the American Ambassador, before he left, had passed out money to dissidents under its democratization programs. Not long after, NATO began its Kosovo bombing campaign against Serbia, making the U.S. even more unpopular in Belarus, where the Serbs were seen as Slavic brothers.

Leavitt had taken a tough stand on human rights from his arrival, showing the flag. His first act was to visit a Belarusian democrat who was recuperating at home after being attacked by “skinheads” at a local metro stop. He worked daily with the local OSCE office to protect threatened opposition leaders, and delivered frequent harsh human rights demarches to the Foreign Ministry. He asked tough questions at Belarusan government press briefings.

On this day, Leavitt knew he needed to be near the phones, since a large opposition rally was taking place at noon, and his deputy, Tom Hayes, was downtown covering it. Leavitt was concerned that Hayes, always zealous in covering human rights, might get a bit too close to the action. Hayes’ car window had recently been smashed outside his apartment, a not so subtle warning, and Leavitt advised Hayes on this day to stay across the street from the rally, a block away if possible.

The Marine at post one didn’t need to be told why Leavitt was in the Embassy with his car and driver standing by. It was not really to write some cable, but to take care of the troops. Leavitt was close to the Marines.  He helped them obtain a new Marine House residence, and was the one they often asked to pin on their Sergeants stripes when promoted.  Leavitt would always remind the Marines that he had once been a Sergeant as well, in the Army, to which the Marines would always reply, “doesn’t count sir.” It was the standard joke between them.

During the U.S. bombing campaign in Kosovo, the Marines had been targeted by a local government-controlled newspaper, claiming they were the advance guard for a future U.S. attack on Belarus like that directed against Serbia.  Leavitt had charged down to the Foreign Ministry to put an end to such reporting “which could stir up local citizen anger against off-duty Marines.” The Ministry gave the usual answer that it had no control over the “independent media,” and Leavitt told them “we both know it isn’t independent,” and the U.S. certainly would not place negative articles in the Washington Post which could lead to attacks on Belarusan Embassy staff there.  No more articles criticizing U.S. Marines appeared.

Leavitt continued to work on his Russia-Belarus report while awaiting a situation report from Hayes.  At about 1:00 p.m., a call came in on his line.

“Yes, Jeff,” he said to the Marine at Post One.

“Sir, I am transferring a call from Ambassador Faulk.”

Ambassador Faulk, a retired German diplomat, ran the local OSCE office. He and Leavitt had known each other since 1981, when the latter was a junior political officer in the American Embassy in Moscow, and Faulk was the German Ambassador. Faulk spoke English with only a slight accent.

“Hello, John,” Faulk said, calling Leavitt by his first name, “I am calling to see if you have heard anything on the demonstration.  From our sources, the rally was peacefully dispersed with no incidents.  The police were restrained, as were the demonstrators, and no arrests were made.”

“Yes, Ambassador Faulk, that is what we hear.  Hayes just called in to the Marine.  He is on the way back.”

“Good,” Faulk continued, “I am meeting with the European Ambassadors this afternoon to draft a report to Vienna.  It appears the local police have shown some moderation.  I will let you know what we report.“

“Thank you, Ambassador Faulk, but the key point is that the protest was not approved in the first place, not that the marchers were dispersed gently.”

Faulk said “of course,” and signed off.

The Chargé had the greatest respect for Faulk, but he could envision the European report. The French and German Ambassadors, both of whom wished to tread softly with the Belarusians, had the upper hand in the EU, and they were still smarting over what they saw as U.S. moralizing diplomacy which had almost got them all kicked out of Belarus for good.

At about 4:00 p.m., while debriefing Hayes who had just returned from the demonstration, Leavitt received a call from the Personnel Bureau in the State Department. Hayes started to get up, but Leavitt waved him to stay.  It was probably some routine matter.  But, it was strange that “Personnel” would be calling on a Saturday.

The person on the other end of the line identified himself and said he was calling to inform Leavitt that the promotion list had been finalized, and, although it hadn’t come out yet, Leavitt’s name was not on it. Since Leavitt had not been promoted for six cycles, he would be forced to retire under the Department’s mandatory “up or out” policy.  Leavitt “no doubt knew that.” The current procedure, the caller added, was to give individuals an early heads-up before the list was published.  Leavitt could stay at post until the end of his tour, two months away, or leave service now if he wished.

Leavitt responded that he was inclined to stay to the end of his tour since there was unfinished business here, and the European Bureau would probably want him to stay on until a replacement arrived. Leavitt signed off, saying “thank you for the call, I was planning to retire at the end of the tour anyway.”  At this point, Hayes, with a long face, got up and left the room.

Leavitt hung up and picked up the Wall Street Journal lying on his desk. He had not had time to read it.  Opening the paper, he noticed a BMW automobile advertisement on page two.  Yes, retirement would be fine, he thought. He had taken tough assignments, and felt good about his twenty-five year career. Leaning back in his chair, he thought about Interstate 40, running between Albuquerque and Santa Barbara, through Gallup and Flagstaff, as far as Barstow, a drive he loved to make. Yes, I’ll be going home to New Mexico he thought.  He was going home, to the American West, where he always wanted to be.  It had been a long time getting back.

An hour later, after finishing the Russia-Belarus cable and calling Washington with the demonstration results, Leavitt packed up for the day, spinning the dial on his safe a second time to be sure.  He walked slowly down the stairs to the entry where the Marine post was located, wondering if Hayes might have said something to the Marine on duty.

This time, all the Marines were there, each shaking his hand as he left the building.  No words were said.

Helena and Bozeman, Thoughts of Tel Aviv and Vladivostok

Helena

It is 2009. I am sitting in“Cafe Organica,” my coffee shop of choice in Helena, near Reeder’s Alley, a restored pioneer section of town. A piano piece is playing softly in the background, the high notes strung together, the tune vaguely familiar, classical. My son is with me, visiting from Las Cruces.

“Organica” is reserved and elegant, in a European bistro-style, with small, round, black onyx tables. An expensive Italian espresso machine stands behind the counter, and large, white porcelain cups are hanging from wooden ceiling racks. The coffee bar counter is also polished onyx. The walls are plaster, soft lavender. Some of the windows have art glass, others hold potted plants with red blossoms which look like poppies. David, the proprietor, makes new espresso for us, replacing the cup of old that he had initially offered. It is quiet. We are the only customers, even though it is approaching noon. We are journaling, something we started doing together on previous vacations in Santa Barbara.

A cool breeze comes through the screened open window next to us. Through the window, I can see some pines and small birch trees and, closer up, some small fruit trees just outside, facing Park Avenue running by us. There is no traffic. Blue skies and white clouds peek behind the green hills rising a few blocks away. The lower part of the hillside is covered with light green grass, clear of trees, perhaps due to past fires. Higher up, it is forested.

Directly across the street, built on a large park-like area, are some dark brown stained, Swiss style, chalet condos. The grass there is a lush green. There has been a lot of rain lately. There are medium sized Blue Spruce, my favorite trees. I brought Charles here so he could see the nice chalet apartments, in case he ever wanted to live in Helena. I never mentioned that to him, just noting in passing how nice those apartments were. He probably knew.

I ask Charles what date it is, for the journal entry. He says August 6. I am reminded of Hiroshima. It should be more of an issue, I tell myself, more recognized, perhaps a siren should go off for five minutes as in Japan and everyone stop what they are doing and get out of their cars in remembrance. Truman would have disagreed. My mind wanders to Tel Aviv, where, once a year on Holocaust Remembrance Day, everything stopped, and everyone got out of their cars. This takes my thoughts to Israel in 1976 and Charles’ mother.

Tel Aviv, my first tour, just married, is a bit of a dream now. The good memories are of falafel stands in Jerusalem, of falafel with French fries crammed inside, eating while dictating cables in an embassy car with driver on the way back to Tel Aviv, or sitting in the living room of Moshe Dayan’s house, carrying messages, meeting planes at night carrying the Assistant Secretary, carrying letters from President Carter to Begin, being in Jerusalem at the King David hotel for Sadat’s arrival. It is trips to the Negev, and the Mediterranean beaches, and to the kibbutz on the Sea of Galilee. It is the bright sun, temperate climate, and olive groves, the old town in Jaffa, weekends at the UN hotel in Gaza, hearing morning calls to worship from the minaret, the Embassy’s Plaza hotel penthouse suite in Jerusalem, overlooking the Mount of Olives, the outdoor cafes with humus, pita, and schwarma in Arab restaurants, lights shining on the stone walls around you at night, the beautiful nights and smell of the sea. It is “R and R” in Cyprus at a hotel with trellises overhead in the garden where you lunch before walking to the beach in Limassol. It is the weekends snorkeling and camping on the beach in the Gulf of Eilat, directly across from Saudi Arabia, whose coastline you could barely see, from the village of Nueba, the camels braying, the Arab vendors, the braziers and the baklava. It is the unforgettable feeling of landing in a new country on your first tour overseas, seeing new streets and exotic sights on the way in from the airport and coming to your white stucco house in the old garden area of Kfar Sherimayhu, an original German Jewish agricultural settlement with farms dating from the 1920s.

But, there were down sides, the terrible pressures of work, the demanding Ambassador, the consular work, the mistakes on the job, the broken friendships with Israeli friends. But, you had a lot to look forward to. A new start with Russia for your next assignment, a child on the way. You were to be in the Russia club, the elite, your life’s dream. You were in over your head in Tel Aviv, but then you had always risen to the occasion. Your days in the office were ones of waiting, standing by, reading the Ambassador’s traffic, sorting it and prioritizing it. You proofed his cables and arranged meetings and cars and sat in on meetings. You worked long hours, including Saturdays, hurting your marriage and furthering your career. You had the advantage of feeling part of a great cause, Camp David. She didn’t. She could write, but no one took it seriously at the time. But, you were in over your head, and soon discovered that. You didn’t have the staff officer skills and the confidence.

David, the waiter, comes back to our table to see if we want more espresso. Charles seems to be writing quickly, solidly. I look back out the window, my mind returned from 1978 Tel Aviv. Looking out the window again, silver and white clouds behind the hills are now being pushed out of the picture, to the north, by gray clouds. The wind pushing the clouds is coming from the south, from Yellowstone.

Bozeman:

I wander into the local Holiday Inn restaurant for breakfast, two eggs, over easy, biscuits and gravy. The good waitress brings strong coffee and leaves the thermos. She also brings orange juice without asking. She is efficient, in her 60s, a bit gruff but accommodating. I have just dropped Charles off at the Bozeman airport for a 6:30 a.m. flight, so I am a bit groggy, thinking of him on the flight to Denver.

At the table next to me, two men are talking, probably local professors from their conversation. I hear bits and pieces. They are discussing exchanges with Russia on fisheries. The one with an accent is doing the talking about Russia. My ears perk up.

This is typical of Bozeman, connected to the world, a university town. Michael Keaton was at Plonk Restaurant last night. Ted Turner has a ranch here. California license plates are not unusual, with Big Sky Ski Resort and Yellowstone down the road. International architectural and engineering firms, linked to Korea and Japan, are located here, so are Ernest Hemingway’s grandson, James Salter’s son, and Harry Bertoia’s daughter. You can get the New York Times daily. BMWs and Audi’s predominate. Outsiders are everywhere. Bozeman is contemporary modern lodge, steel and stacked stone, architecture, high tech, set against beautiful mountains to the north and the front range in the southern distance. Its downtown is old Montana small town, masonry buildings, one main street, but with a wide variety of upscale products and boutiques and coffee shops and independent bookstores and vintage watches and fly shops. It, and Whitefish, are the Montana versions of Aspen, Jackson Hole, and Sun Valley.

At the table, a third man joins the professors. He is the business type who does the legwork for the professors, apparently just back from Moscow. He tells his frustration at dealing with the Russian officials.  I smile, it is so familiar.

I think of my years in Vladivostok and the similar frustrations, operating in a cloud. I could help these Bozeman businessmen. I am thinking of my Foreign Service colleague, David Ackerman, and our three years starting a new consulate in the Russian Far East. Dave and I knew what was true. You had to have a lifetime of experience, and knowledge of the language and history of Russia, to make correct judgments, which were often intuitive. There was little to rely on since Washington was also winging it. It was a new Russia and confusing, but we had the benefit of extensive contact with the average Russians. We knew how things in Russia really worked out in the provinces.

We knew we had to gain trust. We knew not to promote a lot of USAID studies that delivered no resources or money, and only offered advice and promises. We knew not to support less than upright American businessmen criss-crossing Russia searching for partners. We knew not to preach too much. We knew to keep the post “open,” more like a trade mission, and to avoid Russian intelligence provocations. We knew the Russian public was watching us for keys to behavior, for clues to right and wrong as seen in the West, and, therefore, we knew to support local democrats and shun former communist leaders who were unreconstructed. We knew not to be friendly with a regional governor who was getting over his private joke on us, wearing a “Zek” hat—like the Gulag prisoners wore—on Human Rights Day. We knew to help Japanese, South Korean, and European firms getting started in Russia, even if they were potential competitors of American firms. We also knew that there was no age dividing line between reformers and old thinkers, that fifty year old former communists could be brought around if given a stake in the new system. We knew that an intellectual newspaper editor whose newsprint spouted anti-American propaganda could be brought around. Being a true intellectual, not just a member of the Academy of Sciences, he would be inclined to change. His instincts would be naturally liberal.

We knew the good guys from the bad, and could spot the former secret police, now businessmen. As western role models, we also knew the importance of smiles and of Western behavior, open, unafraid, and free. But, we knew when to put on the mantle of authority, to ride in the back seat to meetings with the governor, who would respect authority, otherwise riding up front with the driver, like the American common man. We knew how not to smile in negotiations. No, not everything could be worked out with smiles and positivism. We knew the relationship between the provincial governors and Moscow ministries, and how far the latter could push the local authorities under Yeltsin. We recognized the hard-line communists, the power elites, and the former governor, our bete noir, and we understood how communists and “Soviet men” like him despised weakness, were ruthless, and understood power and how to use it. We knew some democracy had to be crammed down from above, via Yeltsin. We knew what to say, what lines would resonate with the public regarding former empire (“you don’t need it anymore”), the Cold War (“lets not go back and try to survive it again”), and Russian corruption and crime and poverty (“America also is not perfect”).

We knew that Peace Corps programs to promote business were a bit unrealistic, but we knew Peace Corps volunteers rubbing elbows with Russians would make a difference, so we asked for volunteers. We knew there was some good in the old system with its welfare net, and that social democracy was perhaps better suited to Russia in transition than laissez faire capitalism of the U.S. We knew the Russians were proud and that assistance had to be identified as mutually beneficial and a two-way street. We knew the importance of (USIA) cultural exchanges, that the battle was over culture and for the youth. We knew that the resistance to reform was ideologically based and not just a matter of battles over turf and money, or to protect Russian parastatal business interests. We went public, doing television interviews and talking about our lives in America, traveling frequently around our consular district, bringing in Martha Graham dancers, hosting U.S. Navy ship visits, organizing hospital-to-hospital exchanges, etc.. We knew where to put our effort. We knew the importance of winning over our local Russian employees.

We knew to avoid the new oligarchs emerging. We knew the importance of symbols, to refuse properties that had KGB histories. We knew the importance of building strong ties to the Japanese consulate, giving us more clout. We knew not to drive by an election rally for a nationalist hard liner in order to gauge his popularity. We knew not to tolerate bad behavior by a consulate driver. We knew to build ties to the Russian Navy commander to get a new consulate building when all else was failing. We knew not to accede to being escorted by armed guards through a defense plant which we were touring. It was a matter of principle. We knew when to support a democratic Mayor in his struggle with a hard-line governor, even if it encroached a bit on Russia’s internal affairs and got in the newspapers. But, we knew how far to go.

We knew to demand that visiting USG officials stop by the Consulate while visiting an our district. We knew to keep certain American charitable organizations (CRS) and Peace Corps at arms length from the Consulate for their own independence. We knew how to respond when one regional governor refused to meet with a visiting American Senator. We knew to avoid playing up indigenous local separatists in a visit to the Yakutsk (Sakha) Republic. We knew how use reciprocity to get our Consulate building, not releasing their building in Seattle first…

The waitress brings my bill. I ask for a glass of water and a paper cup to take some coffee with me. I take my pills, leave a tip with the check, and stand up, gathering my journal, taking a glance at the men at the next table as I leave. The one with the accent, older, looks Eastern European. He has a bit of that European formality, old school, Polish I decide.

Mozambique Peace Talks

It was dark inside the administrative offices located in the back section of Santa Maria church in Trastevere. The negotiator for the Mozambican rebel movement, RENAMO, was wearing sun glasses due to a stigmatism, and he seemed nervous in Rome, a bit unsure of how far he could go in negotiations. He was constantly on the phone to his boss, Alfonso Dhlakama, fighting in the African bush, in Gorongoza.

The Mozambican government representative, on the other hand, was a polished, Portuguese educated, lawyer, with smooth European manners. He was dressed in an expensive pin-striped suit and had all the accessories, gold cigarette lighter, cuff links, a simple tie pin, and Italian leather shoes. He was the number two in the government and a successful businessman in a socialist regime that was transforming itself gradually in the direction of the market and democratizing. He reflected the practical, non-ideological side of the Mozambican regime, willing to accept what he called a mixed economy, partially private but with a large government controlled sector as well. He was for some reason, accepted by the old hard-line Marxist revolutionaries who formed the backbone of the ruling FRELIMO party, whereas his President, also a pragmatist, was viewed with some skepticism and had to move slowly.

Still, it was hard for the government to sit down with the rebels, who had waged a cruel, terrorist style war for ten years now, and rejected all of the socialist goals of the independence movement from Portugal in 1975. The government negotiator referred to the guerrillas as “bandits” rather than give them political credibility, but he was, nonetheless, negotiating with the “bandits” as equals behind the scenes with the help of the Vatican’s mediation and the United States’ facilitation. The war at home was a stalemate.

The American envoy was explaining to both sides how neither side should expect to get all that it wanted in a negotiation. This was the key point, he said. Both sides have to compromise a bit to get a lot. This was the experience of the American government in negotiating peace in Liberia, Camp David, Ireland, and elsewhere. He was like a grandfather, kindly and sensitive, non-pretentious, with a sense of humor, speaking common sense more than anything else. The two sides responded well to him. His point on not expecting everything you want was a simple, obvious one, but helped break the logjam.

His presence, as the representative of the American President, was symbolic of American commitment, both moral and tangible, to rebuild Mozambique and be a fair broker. “What we have done,” he explained, “is to keep the parties at the table in control. Success or failure will be yours alone. We will just help you where we can. The negotiator, Sant Eggidio in the Vatican, has no bias. Our job is to facilitate, offering our expertise, resources, influence, and contacts to assist St. Eggidio. He went over some ideas on federalism, power sharing, and representative democracy.

The government and RENAMO negotiators listened passively, not looking at each other as he spoke, but paying close attention, nonetheless, through the translators sitting beside them. The Mozambique government negotiator spoke English, but also relied a bit on the translator.

The American told RENAMO not to get hung up on the government’s public statements calling RENAMO “bandits.” The important point was that the government was sitting down with them. He told the government not to worry about giving RENAMO legitimacy. it didn’t hurt to sit down with RENAMO, since these were just exploratory talks and not yet official negotiations. He gave them a view of the final picture, of Mozambique rebuilding with foreign assistance. The American side included U.S. military experts, who could show the mechanisms for building a new national army from the two warring sides.

I was there as the State Department Desk Officer for Mozambique, carrying the bags of the senior U.S. envoy, and drafting cables back to the Department on the status of discussions.

We broke to have lunch at an outdoor cafe on the plaza outside. The Mozambican teams went their separate ways for lunch, but it was significant that the day before, their chief negotiators had dined together.

Bernadette Hayes, the Deputy Chief of Mission, the number two at the American Embassy in the Vatican, was a friend. She and I slipped away for lunch on her patio, served by her cook/housekeeper Maria. Bernadette was the American government’s day-to-day contact for the negotiations. This was in addition to her regular duties at the small embassy. Her cottage was a small two bedroom house in the European modern style, situated down the driveway next to the garden of the Ambassador’s residence. Her villa was white stucco, and the interior was Danish modern, with books and bookcases overflowing, typical for Bernadette.

“It appears the Mozambique government is giving up a lot in terms of allowing a multi-party state and perhaps some regional autonomy? Why would it give up its socialist program?,” she asked after we had sat down.

“Mozambique,” I answered, “is changing under President Chissano, and seems to really want greater democracy and a freer market. It may be that the government has come to the conclusion after ten years of war, that it can not win. It will always be a stalemate.”

I paused to consider how candid I should be in a non-secure location, then went on: “The government may be willing to gamble on free elections, thinking they can win fair elections easily and that RENAMO will be bound by the results. That is a gamble, since part of the population is tired of the ruling party and corruption, and since some of the insurgency is tribally based.”

Maria brought us some iced tea with limes in it, garden salads with vinaigrette dressing, and sliced baguettes with platters of olive oil to dip the bread into. Europe was always so wonderful.

“What does RENAMO feel about elections,?” Bernadette asked.

“If they are free and fair, they say they will win a majority, but may not really be that confident. They may trust that even a decent showing would guarantee them a sounding board in the new multi-party legislature. The press would report speeches of Congress. They would have legitimacy and could build on that in a more open system. How many seats they win, and whether they win the Presidency, would not be so vital. The important thing is that the system would be opened to real opposition parties and different ideas. It’s all about process.”

“Is Chissano popular at home?”

“We think so. Our Ambassador feels so, and she is plugged in with everyone. She is an icon there.”

“I hear that Mozambicans are naming their daughters after her.”

“Yeah, her pet project is rehabilitating the youth who have been traumatized when their villages were raided by RENAMO and they were forced to take part in killing their own parents.”

“What do they do to help those kids?”

“She brought in children’s psychiatrists who specializes in this. Role playing is the key. They create a village and re-enact the situation, including where a twelve year old son has to torch the hut his parents are in. This way, the boy sees he had no choice, with AK 47s pointed at him and his sisters. The acting out seems to work. The Ambassador has also put together foster homes and obtained UN money to help orphans. She had assignments at the UN in the past, as you know.”

I paused to avoid being too graphic in describing the atrocities. “I saw one boy about nine,” I said, “who was catatonic when they brought him to the rehab center. For eight weeks, he didn’t say a word to anyone…”

I had to pause to maintain control, remembering little Carlos.

Bernadette asked Maria to bring some more olive oil, with a normal voice, not letting on. I smiled back at Bernadette, and dipped some bread in oil, then continued, overcoming a slight blurring of the eyes. Bernadette had known me during the 1984 Ethiopian famine, which had been an emotional experience. At the time she had been working for the Secretary of State on the 7th Floor.

“You are always getting yourself caught in these humanitarian tragedies,” she said, smiling warmly.

“Anyway,” I continued, “the catatonic boy suddenly pulled through, and is now the spark plug of the Center, helping other kids like him take that first step forward to abolishing their nightmares. The Ambassador is a saint.”

“She is a patron saint for women in the Foreign Service,” Bernadette added calmly.

“I was just with her and her husband in Maputo,” I said, “staying at the residence. She was always running over to take recipes to President Chissano.”

“I hear Washington was impressed with Chissano when he visited. He didn’t promise more than he could deliver, and never asked for more than he could use. He didn’t come with his hand out,” Bernadette injected.

“Yes, Chissano is soft spoken and quiet, and a real gentleman. He studied medicine in Zurich. But, our Ambassador deserves a lot of credit for getting talks started.”

“You are she are close. I know,” Bernadette said. “I loved to see you running downstairs to the Department cafeteria to get her coffee how she likes it. You wouldn’t have done that for Chet Crocker.”

“Yes, I would for Chet,” I said.

“Oh, yes, he was your teacher at Georgetown before the Service.” Bernadette never forgot anything.

“Does the Ambassador still have the monkeys in the tree over her table on the patio? ” Bernadette asked.

“Yes, and I heard a good story about that, by the way,” I said. “Her favorite monkey living in that tree is apparently named ‘Monkey Monkey,’ a real ham, who often drops down to steal pineapple slices from the breakfast table, scampering back up. I have experienced that. The Ambassador feeds him at the table.”

“So, anyway,” I went on, “this monkey went missing a couple of months ago and the Ambassador searched all over the neighborhood for him. Even President Chissano offered full assistance to find ‘Monkey Monkey.’ Finally, the Ambassador cancelled a trip upcountry and went to the local pound, where there were all kinds of animals which had been picked up. They took her into a huge room with hundreds of cages stacked from floor to ceiling, half of them with monkeys inside, rhesus monkeys, like ‘Monkey Monkey.’ They all looked identical, of course.”

Maria brought us swordfish steaks, pink in the middle, with asparagus on the side. She refilled the tea.

“The room went quiet when she came in with the keeper,” I continued. “The Ambassador yelled out “Monkey Monkey,” her call to him in her Monkey Monkey voice, and guess what?”

“‘Monkey Monkey’ was there?”

“Suddenly, in one of the cages, this monkey reached out to her, raising a hell of a commotion. The Ambassador ran to the cage and recognized ‘Monkey Monkey.’ They opened the cage and ‘Monkey Monkey’ climbed into her arms and onto her shoulder and it was family reunion, and they went home and everything was normal again pool side.”

Bernadette returned to the negotiations subject. “What about RENAMO, will they be serious in negotiations?

“We are counting on both sides’ war weariness,” I said. “RENAMO’s terrorist tactics have turned off many villagers who used to support them but now oppose both sides. We hear RENAMO may be ready to compromise. We will see.”

“What about South Africa, are they supporting RENAMO?”

“We think so, at least with some arms and command and control. RENAMO has sophisticated communications equipment. But, we think South Africa will cooperate.”

“Did they say they would?”

“The Foreign Ministry seems inclined to, but there may be elements in the military who could carry on a secret war despite their own government.”

“We are relying on two rings in this peace process,” I added. “The inner ring consists of the two parties to the conflict and the Vatican sitting at a table, negotiating. The outer ring is the countries surrounding Mozambique, the actors and states supporting either the government or RENAMO, plus the international community in general, and world opinion, all of which can leverage the two parties in the inner circle towards compromise. Our job is to get them to use their leverage to achieve peace.

Bernadette and I moved into her house for coffee. There was only one small sofa, which we both sat on since her chairs were stacked with books. I found it hard to relax this close to her. She seemed to be studying me. She had soft, wise eyes, and she was always positive. I had never heard her say anything negative about anyone. For someone with such a meteoric career, she was very unassuming. But, I knew how smart she was, taking on the toughest staff jobs, getting by on few hours sleep, and doing first rate reporting. She always knew more than she let on.

“Tell me more about RENAMO,” Bernadette said, “before we go back.”

A couple of days after my lunch with Bernadette, during my last evening in Rome, I took some personal time to walk around the Vatican to admire the architecture of Bramante and his colonnade around St. Peter’s square, stopping for pizza marghareta later at a cafe not far away.

As the sun was going down, I caught a taxi to Piazza Novona, one of my favorite places, for a last look at Michaelangelo’s fountain over cappuccino from a sidewalk cafe. I was thinking of the beauty of early Renaissance architecture, of Alberti’s Santa Maria Novella church, and the Pizzi palace, with its thick walls going right up to the street, and square cupola. Then there was Brunelleschi, the Florence Cathedral dome and the Invalides Hospital, with its light, delicate piers. Nothing equals Brunelleschi. I let my mind roam to the Roman Forum and its Ionic columns, then to the Spanish Steps and Keats’ house. I wouldn’t get to them this trip. On my last visit, I had sat on the steps reading a William Faulkner novel I had brought with me.

I flew back the next day, and didn’t get back to Rome for negotiations. Things went well with Vatican mediation. The two sides held successful elections and shared power, ending the war. By then, I had moved on to the Bureau of Intelligence and Research, watching Africa from Washington, but burnt out from witnessing failed states like Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Somalia.

Burundi was occupying my official time, but my mother had just died, and I was spending a lot of time away from my desk, hiding in the Department library on the third floor, doing my own research on subjects of interest to me. It was my way of coping, and my boss, a friend and fellow Africa hand, understood, and gave me some space and time to heal.

Around this time, I saw a tourism advertisement in the New York Times, with a photograph of “rediscovered Mozambique,” showing dhows off the Indian Ocean and Mozambican children playing on the beach. I cut it out and pinned it on my bulletin board as a reminder of what was wonderful about being a diplomat. Nice memories of Rome came flowing back: dinners in Trastevere, a gentle clasp of the fingers from the Pope, a ride on a Vespa.

 

 

 

 

Belarus, 1999

It was the first day of spring in Minsk.  I was the American Charge d’affaires in Belarus, accompanying a visiting American citizen to meet two elderly Belarusian women who had sheltered his father during the Holocaust. The visitor had flown in from New York for this purpose.

We drove north for two hours, arriving at the family’s ancestral village. After meeting the mayor, we proceeded to a modest house on the edge of town where the American’s father had been sheltered as a young Jew in Nazi occupied Byelorussia, hiding in the barn of a local family for almost a year before escaping to the partisans. The whole neighborhood was waiting in the road as we arrived, a crowd of about thirty people, shaking our hands as we emerged from the van.

The two sisters who had risked their lives to shelter the Jewish boy were now in their eighties, small and frail, but still looking healthy. They emerged from the house wearing scarves and plain white cotton dresses, hugging the visitor from America, and taking him on a private tour of the barn to show him where his father had been hidden in the rafters.  Afterwards, in the kitchen, we all sat around for tea. They told how scared they had been at the time. Discovery would have meant death for the whole family. The Germans made numerous sweeps through the town, asking if anyone knew of Jews being sheltered.

Some of the neighbors in the street described the day the Holocaust came to their town in 1942, when a local forest ranger rode up on his horse and warned those who were Jewish to leave immediately since the Germans were coming the following morning to kill them. This news was so shocking to be unbelievable, since nothing like this had happened before.  Half of the Jewish inhabitants left their homes to hide in the forests. The next morning, the remainder were rounded up.

After a couple hours, we loaded back into the van, saying goodbye to the sisters, and driving very slowly down a narrow road going back towards town.  At one point we stopped the van and got out, and the American visitor told me his father was one of about fifty Jews who had been marched under guard along this road after the roundup. He pointed to a culvert beside the road, where his father, a boy of fourteen, had jumped unnoticed and hidden as the rest of the group was being marched away.  We then walked along the road which the Jewish column, minus his father, had followed for another 300 yards, to an abandoned cement factory on the right enclosed by high cement walls.  As we walked into the factory grounds, our guide told us that this was the spot where the Jewish column had been stopped, lined up, in the center of the courtyard, and shot. The guide said the Jews knew what was going to happen beforehand, but I wasn’t so sure. The visitor’s father, hiding in the culvert, must have heard the shots.

Getting back into the van, the mayor’s assistant took us on a driving tour to three other villages along a narrow asphalt road which curved through the region. We stopped at three clearings in the forest, sites where local Jewish inhabitants had also been marched behind their rabbis, and shot.  At each site, metal markers listed the names of the 50-100 Jews who had been killed, young and old, women and children.

On the way back to Minsk, I remained quiet, and I could see our visitor was lost in thought at the emotional revisiting of his father ‘s childhood.  We stopped along the way in a former Jewish shetl, the hometown of Israeli President, Shimon Peres, walking through the Jewish cemetery which was overgrown and surrounded by a low, black wrought iron fence.  Many of the 500 or so headstones had fallen over.  I thought of the young Shimon Peres joining the partisans and later emigrating to Israel and joining the Hagannah.  I had met him on my first tour in Israel.

The visitor flew home the next day, and I was left searching for answers, my mind stuck in the cement factory courtyard.